PROFESSOR BLANCHARD, in Elgin Convention, said, “In this work we are undertaking for the Sabbath we are the representatives of God.” W. F. Crafts, in Christian Statesman, July 5, 1888, said, “The preachers are the successors of the prophets.” Will not these “representatives of God?” be content with the use of the “sword and the bullet” in this life, or do they claim the right to inflict punishment beyond it?—W., in Prohibition Journal.
The Image of the Papacy.
THE Christian Nation of August 14 gave a report of the Prohibition Convention for Allegheny County, Penn. The first two resolutions read as follows:—
Resolved, 1. That the prohibitionists of Allegheny County, in convention assembled, recognize the Lord Jesus Christ as the rightful sovereign of our State and Nation, in conformity with whose most holy character and will all our laws ought to be made.
Resolved, 2. That we are in favor of a most conscientious and scriptural observance of the Sabbath as absolutely essential to the welfare of society and the preservation of the State.
This goes to the full length of that the National Reformers themselves propose. To make the Saviour the sovereign of either the State or the Nation is but to make the Governor of the State or the President of the Nation only the representative, the vicegerent of Christ in the chair of State, to execute his will upon the subjects of the State or Nation. When he should speak, therefore, he would speak as the vicegerent of Christ; and for anybody to doubt would be to be damned, and for anybody to refuse assent would be to be guilty of the highest crime. Between the Papacy and such a system as that there would be not the shadow of a difference. It would be a living likeness of the Papacy itself.
The second resolution, as regards a more conscientious and scriptural observance of the Sabbath, is an excellent resolution, but when it makes the object of it only the welfare of society and the preservation of the State, it takes away from the Sabbath both its conscientious and its scriptural sanctions, and to propose the observance of the Sabbath for such an object is only to propose the violation of the Sabbath. And above all, when such observance is being secured by enforcement of law, and human law at that, the evil element in the proposition is vastly increased. Nor is the State convention much behind the Alleghany County convention in this matter. The platform, as adopted by the State convention and reported in the Voice of Sept. 5, “acknowledges Almighty God as the source of all power and authority in human government.” The third plank declares,—“The Sabbath must be preserved by the due enforcement of existing laws, and the speedy enactment of such additional legislation as may be necessary to insure its due observance.” It also indorses the platform of the National Prohibition Party adopted at Indianapolis, May 30, 1888. That same copy of the Voice advocates the abolition of the liquor traffic because it is sin and argues for prohibition upon that basis.
This is all of a piece. The Alleghany County resolutions, the State platform, and the editorial of the Voice are each but parts of one stupendous whole which embodies the movement to religiously amend the Constitution; turn this republic into a theocracy, after the express image of the Papacy; and to enforce the observance of the day established by that counterfeit theocracy—in fact it contains the very elements of the mystery of iniquity. Therefore the third party Prohibition party should be uncompromisingly opposed by every man who loves either Christianity or civil government.
The Sunday Question Again.
THE meetings held in this city last Sunday in the interest of the Sunday Union and addressed by Mr. Crafts, its field secretary, were not largely attended nor very enthusiastic. We attended the one held at the Methodist Church and listened to the rambling discourse, and consider that Mr. Crafts made not a single strong argument for any proposition he made. His remarks regarding the AMERICAN SENTINEL, of Oakland, were, to say the least, out of place and not in good taste. He seems to think he can dodge this issue by throwing upon the opposition the opprobrious epithet of “Seventh-day Adventists.”
The statement that the opposition to the movement to make Sunday a national Sabbath by legislative enactments is almost wholly confined to the small sect called Seventh-day Adventists, and that it is a question of Saturday or Sunday Sabbath is false and dishonest in origin and purpose. Millions of American citizens who are not interested in this theological contention about which is the “authorized” Sabbath, are deeply and earnestly interested in preserving this Nation a nestor of religious toleration and liberty—the principle that makes the American flag the protector of every one in this country in the exercise of his own judgment in matters of ecclesiastical belief and religious observances, and “in worshiping God,” or in not worshiping anything, “under his own vine and fig tree, according to the dictates of his own conscience,” and none dare “make him afraid.”
Mr. Crafts is anxious to shut up all kinds of business on Sunday so that all may have a fair and even start on Monday morning at taking in the earnings of the “poor laborers.” Will Mr. Crafts and his brother priests lay off on Sunday and not take up the usual collection until Monday to give other business men a chance? This matter of spending money, by laborers, in saloons on Sunday can be readily changed in one of two ways. First, abolishing the holiday-Sunday altogether as a day of idleness and the very hot-bed of crime and harvest-day of the “Devil,” and treating all days alike and treating men in the same manner on all days; or second, employers making Monday pay-day instead of Saturday. Either of these will work like a charm.
How would it do for Mr. Crafts to take some of his own medicine? He argues that there is a natural as well as a moral reason for keeping one day in seven as a day of rest, and yet he declares that he has for some time been violating this law of nature by traveling about the country so that he spends each and every Sunday in a different city. He travels or speaks every day of the seven, and he might set a good example as well as be consistent by confining his “work” for this cause to the six working days of the week, and resting on Sunday in compliance with “the laws of nature, of morality, and of God,” which he says, consecrate it to REST.—The Silver Gate (San Diego), August 31.
Sound Speech.
At the Missouri State Sunday Convention last May, when the constitution was presented for adoption, the first article of which reads as follows, “The object of this association shall be to preserve the Christian Sabbath, or Lord’s day, as a day of rest and worship,” Elder R. C. Porter made the following speech. It is a good speech. It is not often that such speeches are made in Sunday-law Conventions:—
As a member of the convention adopting this constitution, I would like to say a word with reference to the principles that I would like to see incorporated in the constitution to be adopted. I cannot quite agree with the sentiments expressed in the first article of the constitution which has been submitted, which says that “the object of this association shall be to preserve the Christian Sabbath, or Lord’s day, as a day of rest and worship.” Now, in a certain sense I can quite agree with that. I am in favor of individuals who believe in the first day of the week being the Lord’s day, or the Christian Sabbath, using all the influence they can from the persuasive standpoint to accomplish that object; and in that sense I can agree with it; but inasmuch as I can see that it reaches beyond that, and the object will be to enforce by law the observance of the day as a Sabbath expressed in this first article of the constitution, I could not agree with that. In the first place, one reason why I could not agree with it is from the fact that the principle underlying the object to be accomplished is not the right principle. As it is stated here in this article, it is said to be the Lord’s day.
Yesterday I made a statement that we should render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s, and to God the things that are God’s, according to the declaration of the Saviour. If it is the Lord’s day, as this article of the constitution declares, we ought not to have the State to cause us to render that to Cæsar. But each individual should be made to feel that it was his obligation to render it to God by persuasion, and not by force. Therefore the principle upon which we stand with reference to this subject is the principle of education and persuasion, and not to accomplish this object by force of law. I would heartily agree with the principle to persuade men, as far as in us lies, to respect God’s Sabbath. There is a division among us as to which day is the Lord’s day. The Seventh-day Adventists and the Seventh-day Baptists have been referred to as standing aloof from the object of this movement. We heartily agree with the idea of each294individual doing all he can to advance the work of Sabbath reform, so that the public conscience shall be educated. Yet we do not believe in the doctrine of force and compulsory means to accomplish this object. It was stated by a gentleman, yesterday, in reply to a remark that I made, that the Sabbath was made for man, and therefore he would bring it in the province of the State to enforce its observance by the civil law. I want to say that the principle upon which I stand is this: That while the Lord said the Sabbath was made for man, he still claims it as his holy day; he gave it to man as a day of rest to be promotive of man’s highest good. At the same time, he never gave to man that right to enforce its observance upon others civilly. Now, let me cite a parallel: Paul says the woman was made for man. That is true; but will any of us say that because woman was made for man, therefore it is the province of civil government to say that every man must have a wife whether he wants one or not? Every one of us would say that it was uncivil to ask a man to allow us to force him to take a wife, whether he wants to or not, because the woman was made for man. And so, it is equally true of the Sabbath. The Sabbath was made for man, to be promotive of his highest good. But while that is true, it is equally true that it would be uncivil in us to ask a man to allow us to enforce upon him by law the observance of it whether he wanted it or not.
Therefore, I say that the principle of equality of rights, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, is the true principle of civil government. Every man has an equal right to worship on any day he pleases, or not to worship, just as he pleases as far as civil government has to do with him. Still God has his claims upon him, and by and by will call him to account for his failure to render obedience to him. And yet when we undertake to say that we will help God defend by law the things that belong to God, then we make ourselves guardians of God. In Judges 6:25–32 we have an instance recorded where the people began thus to defend the things belonging to their idol god. And Joash said, “If he be a god let him plead for himself.” Thus teaching the people that God was able to take care of himself. Now, it seems to me that it would be just the same way with reference to the Sabbath-day. In viewing it from this standpoint, believing, as an American citizen, I have an equal right with any other American citizen, and that no man has a right to say with reference to our obligations to God, what I or anybody else shall do; then I say we have no right to gain the object of the article set forth in this first article of the proposed constitution. I want to make this simple statement, that the rights of the minority are as sacred as those of the majority, and should be equally respected.
The only true principle of civil and religious liberty is my assertion of other people’s rights, when I am in the majority as well as when I am in the minority. Thus every man has equality of rights, as is said in the Declaration of Independence, in speaking with reference to this very question, all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights—untransferable rights—among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Now, I have a right to my conscientious belief; and if I should sanction the principle of this first article in this proposed constitution, understanding that it is to be enforced by law, then I would be sanctioning the principle involved in it, which, if carried out to its logical conclusion deprives some of my fellow-citizens of equality of rights. If a man gives up his right to believe, he gives up his right to eternal life. The question is like this: If the majority have a right to decide with reference to which day is the Sabbath, then, of course, the minority must submit to the decision of the majority. But this involves a matter of conscience. Would any of my brethren here think, if the Seventh-day Adventists or Seventh-day Baptists were in the majority that they had a right to enact a law compelling all those who conscientiously believe that the first day of the week is the Sabbath to close their shops on Saturday, as Mr. Crafts said last night, the seventh-day people should be compelled to close their shops on Sunday? But an exemption clause is proposed. What is an exemption clause? It is a toleration clause. We have no right to give toleration clauses in the United States. That is an acknowledgment, if individuals are asking for it, that they have not equality of rights. We believe that we have equal rights with any citizens of the United States, as a people. We believe an infidel has equality of rights with us, and that he has the right to keep the Sabbath, or not to keep the Sabbath, so far as the State is concerned, equally with any other citizen. And so we believe we have the right to keep whichever day we want to keep, and then a right to go about our business quietly on Sunday as others have a right to do upon Saturday. Would you not think it a strange thing if Seventh-day Adventists and Seventh-day Baptists were trying to get a law to compel everybody to make Saturday a day of rest, lest others should disturb them in their worship?
It is claimed that these workingmen cannot have a day of rest unless there is a law to secure it to them. I am in favor of educating these men’s conscience so they can have this day of rest without this law. Is it a fact that it is impossible for workingmen to have a day of rest if they want it, unless secured to them by law? I say it is not. Thousands of Seventh-day Adventists and Seventh-day Baptists, who are laboring men, have a day of rest every week without any law to secure it for them. And so can anyone else who sufficiently desires to. But this can be rightly accomplished only by properly educating the conscience of the laboring men. As I view it, this is the only true principle of gospel reform.
And then with reference to the statement made last night by Mr. Crafts, he spoke of Seventh-day Baptists and Seventh-day Adventists being associated with anarchists, infidels, and rum-sellers in opposition to the movement to secure a Sunday-Rest law, and this fact ought to convince them that they are in the wrong! Is there any weight to such an argument? We go back eighteen hundred years, and Paul, in I Corinthians 4, says that “we are counted the offscouring of all things.” Then ought not Paul to have learned that he was wrong? But he did not. Our Saviour was denounced as a blasphemer and classed with thieves. Ought he not to have learned by that that he was wrong. If Mr. Crafts’ argument be true he certainly should. But he did not. I want to say that when I come to look the field over, I find that the only true principle of civil government is the principle of equal rights to all citizens. And let the gospel presented be a persuasive gospel; let it be a gospel of education, of persuasion, and of entreaty. A gospel of peace, but not a gospel of force. I want to say, my beloved fellow citizens, I believe in these principles. I want to say that I believe that the rights of conscience of the minority are as sacred as those of the majority and should be equally respected. And I believe that the statement made by our Saviour in the Golden Rule is the true teaching of the gospel with reference to our relations in civil government. This leaves out the gospel of force. Our Saviour left it out, and we should leave it out.
How He Looks at It. How do You?
By N. J. BOWERS
At one of his public meetings in California, the following question in writing was sent up to be answered by Field Secretary Crafts: “Which do you regard as the most detrimental to California, the presence of the open saloon, or the absence of a Sunday law.”
His answer in substance was, “Both are bad. Can I decide which is the worst, theft or murder?” His idea was that the absent Sunday law is theft and the saloon is murder. Now we agree that the saloon is a murderous institution, and a cold-blooded one at that, but that the absence of a Sunday law is in any sense theft is too absurd for belief; and especially absurd is Mr. Crafts’ reasoning (?) in proof that it is theft. Many readers of the SENTINEL have heard that famous argument, so it need not be repeated here. The field secretary thinks that between murder and theft there can be no choice as to veniality. They are both bad, and equally bad. One is no worse than the other. Then what must we understand? Just this: that the saloons of California are no more detrimental to the State than is the absence of a Sunday law. They are no worse, no more hurtful to society. Yet he publicly declares himself a prohibitionist!
This is not all. What is it that exists now that is so bad that a Sunday law would cure. O common business on Sunday and the Sunday saloon! Then honest business—the keeping open of an occasional shop and store, a farmer now and then plowing in his field, some picking of grapes and legitimate relaxation is to be ranked with the saloon and saloon-keeping! People of California will know from this on, that the field secretary of the American Sabbath Union places your honest industries, and your riding-out and your other harmless diversions, on a par with the saloon traffic! How do you like it?
N. J. BOWERS.
Divine Authority in Prohibition Laws
In the Christian Statesman, December 22, 1887, Wm. Smith, lawyer, Janesville, Wisconsin, says: “By putting a God in the Constitution plank in the Prohibition platform you rule me out of that party. I am not opposed to prohibition but I am opposed to putting God in the Constitution.”
To which M. A. Gault replies, “How can you be an honest prohibitionist when you want a law with only the fallible, changing, conflicting will of the people behind it in preference to a law having behind it, first, divine authority, next human, then the hope of heaven, next the fear of hell.”
We would like to ask who will enforce such a law. We would naturally suppose that those who make the law would inflict its prescribed penalty, viz., to send men to “hell” for disobedience.
—W., in Prohibition Journal.
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THE National Sunday Law
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Rev. W. F. Crafts
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Sunday Concerts and Sunday-Law Bigotry
Again the Nation says:—
“The most rigid Sabbatarian with the most violent prejudices against Sunday concerts for example only needs to view the wonderful spectacle presented in Central Park on Sunday afternoon in mid-summer to feel—and confess if he is honest—that he has not understood what he has been talking about in his ignorance.”
Yes, he will, if he is honest; but there is the rub. It is very seldom that Sunday-law bigotry ever becomes honest enough to make such a confession as that, because it is not against any essential evil in those concerts that the complaint is made, but solely as the Kings County Sunday-law Association said, that they are afraid that “the churches will be depopulated.” And to the Sunday-law churchman that fearful alternative turns everything that is done on Sunday into the blackest of crimes.
A Los Angeles Sunday-Law Meeting
TUESDAY evening, August 27, A. T. J. of the SENTINEL made a speech at Los Angeles on the subject of the National Sunday law. The meeting was advertised in such a way that it was not definitely known whether the speech was to be for or against Sunday laws. And as a result about one-third of the audience turned out to be Sunday-law advocates. The speaker had not proceeded far before these discovered that he was opposed to Sunday laws. As soon as that was discovered several of the Sunday-law partisans began to interrupt with questions. When the questions were answered they continued the interruptions with counter-arguments. Not content with this they made an effort to take the floor—as many as three on their feet at once and others talking from their seats, calling the speaker an infidel and whatsoever else they pleased. They seemed to be in a mood to continue this courtesy indefinitely, when a gentlemen rose and said to them that as they professed to be Christians and as the Christian spirit is one of meekness and gentleness, it would be well for them to show enough of that spirit to keep still until the speaker, whose the meeting was, should have finished his speech; then in a proper way ask whatever questions they chose. Those who were standing were finally persuaded to take their seats, but even then they would not keep still, though after that no more than one at a time was on his feet.
On the following Sunday night there was a meeting at the same hall under the auspices of the American Sabbath Union in favor of Sunday laws. Two or three men stood just outside of the doors with copies of the AMERICAN SENTINEL to give to whoever wanted them. As soon as this was discovered by the managers of the meeting the police were sent for to stop it. The police came and ordered them away. They obeyed orders and went down to the street, but that did not satisfy these Sunday-law lovers of liberty. They wanted them turned away from there, but could not accomplish that.
These facts show plainly enough the spirit that characterizes the Sunday-law movement, and how much liberty there will be to the people when the managers of that movement succeed in getting their spirit embodied in a law to be enforced according to their own will.
