It is often said that laws, to be effective, must be backed up by public sentiment. This is true only where such sentiment is the genuine reflection of solidly built character. Character excels sentiment as far as light excels darkness. Sentiment is as capricious as the winds; rightly built character is as fixed as the hills. It is easy enough to create sentiment; it is a task to build up character. Sentiment can be created in a day; it requires time and careful training to build up character. Therefore it is only when sentiment is the genuine reflection of rightly built character, that it is worth anything in support of law or anything else. When sentiment predominates over character, and so runs to sentimentalism, it will support anything that is popular or fashionable, and is therefore worthless, if not worse than worthless. For instance, when in his old age Louis XIV. became religious, it was his will likewise that all others should be religious. He therefore required all about him to observe the duties enjoined by the church. Those who showed themselves conspicuously pious were rewarded “with blue ribands, invitations to Marli, governments, pensions, and regiments.” The result is thus described:—
Forthwith Versailles became, in everything but dress, a convent. The pulpits and confessionals were surrounded by swords and embroidery. The marshals of France were much in prayer; and there was hardly one among the dukes and peers who did not carry good little books in his pocket, fast during Lent, and communicate at Easter. Madame de Maintenon, who had a great share in the blessed work, boasted that devotion had become quite the fashion.
That was sentiment; but there was no230properly formed character to support it. The character that lay behind the sentiment was shameful; and character, whatever it be, will assert itself in the long run. That influence which formed the sentiment was no sooner broken than the whole “blessed work” was more than undone. The sequel is thus told:—
A fashion indeed it was; and like a fashion it passed away. No sooner had the old king been carried to St. Denis, than the whole court unmasked. Every man hastened to indemnify himself, by the excess of licentiousness and impudence, for years of mortification. The same persons who, a few months before, with meek voices and demure looks, had consulted divines about the state of their souls, now surrounded the midnight tables where, amidst the bounding of champagne corks, a drunken prince, enthroned between Dubois and Madame Parabere, hiccoughed out atheistical arguments and obscene jest. The early part of the reign of Louis XIV. had been a time of license; but the most dissolute men of that generation would have blushed at the orgies of the Regency.
The Puritan Parliament tried the same thing in England, and with the same result. It was resolved “that no person shall be employed but such as the House shall be satisfied of his real godliness.” “And the consequence was that a crowd of impostors, in every walk of life, began to mimic and to caricature what were then regarded as the outward signs of sanctity. . . . The Restoration crushed for a time the Puritan party, and placed supreme power in the hands of a libertine. The political counter-revolution assisted the moral counter-revolution, and was in turn assisted by it. A period of wild and desperate dissoluteness followed. Even in remote manor houses and hamlets the change was in some degree felt; but in London the outbreak of debauchery was appalling.”
These examples teach the important truth that, law without character to sustain it is of no value. And with this belongs the other equally important truth that the only legitimate and proper work of the Church is not the making of laws, but the building up of sound and symmetrical character.
Let the churches of the United States learn this lesson and practice it, and they will do far better than they can do by all the efforts that they can ever make to secure the enactment of Sunday laws or any other. A. T. J.
National Reform in Brazil.
THE Roman Catholic bishops have issued a letter to their clergy and faithful, which they have distributed throughout the republic. It contains eighty-six large octavo pages, and is divided into three parts, as follows:—
1. What is our opinion in regard to the separation of Church and State, which has been decreed by the provisional government?
2. What is our opinion in regard to the freedom of worship given to the sects?
3. What is our duty in regard to the new situation of the church in Brazil?
In the introduction to their letter, the bishops say:—
What will become of you, dear people of Brazil, if you should also be deprived of your faith, and be left without God; without God in the family, without God in the schoolhouse, without God in the government and public offices, without God in the last moments of life and in death, yea, even in the grave without God?
We want individuals, families, and society to keep faithfully the Decalogue, which observance, as Le Play says, is the secret of the stability and well-being of families, of the regeneration of races, of the honor and splendor of great, prosperous nations.
This has the genuine National Reform ring. The idea is that unless the government fosters religion the people are, to some extent, deprived of it; the nation is godless, the schools are godless, and the people are without God even in death! This is simply saying that every man's personal relation of faith and obedience to God is dependent upon the action of the government under which he happens to live; if the government is Christian the citizen may be Christian; if the government is pagan the citizen must also be pagan! It is an appeal to prejudice instead of reason. All can see how absurd such an idea is when advocated by Romanists in Brazil; but it is not one whit more absurd than is the same idea among Protestants in this country.
Sunday Saloons.
We have noticed from time to time the opposition on the part of Roman Catholic ecclesiastics to Sunday dram-selling, and the Catholic Home is quoted as follows:—
There is not a parish in Chicago where the Sunday saloon has not been the ruin of hundreds of the most promising and the brightest boys that made their first communion in the parish church. There is not a parish priest in this city but can furnish a long catalogue of young men and married men whose loss of character, of self-respect, of faith and virtue, whose downfall and probable damnation can be laid at the door of the open Sunday saloon. Is there any Catholic father or mother who mourns the perversion of a son, any Catholic wife whose husband abandons his home for the Sunday saloon, but would rejoice to see these places of temptation closed? Who are they who clamor for the open Sunday saloon? Hard drinkers, inebriates, debauchees, and those who minister to their vices, and grow rich on the misery of wrecked lives.
We very much fear that the only way to make a final riddance of the Sunday saloon is to clear out the Monday saloon, the Tuesday saloon, the Wednesday saloon, and all other saloons. A rattlesnake which is allowed to bite six days in the week, will need considerable watching to keep him quiet on the seventh day. The great Catholic Congress in Baltimore has decided to favor the licensing of the saloon. The particular form of license which they favor is “high license,” but it is license all the same, and sets the seal of the State’s permission upon the business by making drunkards, and provides every drunkard with all the strong drink he can pay for. So long as the saloon runs six days in a week, men will love strong drink, and when they have drank for six days it will be hard to choke them off on the seventh. It might be a mercy to muzzle a mad dog one day in a week, but it would be far wiser to cut off that dog’s tail just behind his ears.—The Safeguard.
THE following paragraphs are from an editorial article in the Denver Daily News of June 17:—
Dr. Wilbur F. Crafts, who in behalf of the American Sabbath Union has been canvassing the country in support of the Blair Sunday Law now pending in Congress, spoke to three Denver audiences last Sunday, and his position was well summarized in yesterday’s News. Dr. Crafts has studied his subject closely and has become an adept in presenting it in plausible garb. Conscious of the incongruity of attempting religious legislation in this stage of United States history, he has earned diplomatic honors for the cleverness with which he maintains the proposition that his idea of Sunday rest, enforced by law, would not be religious legislation.
The difficulty arises when we come to define rest and specify what may, and what may not be done. It would be interesting to catechise Dr. Crafts on that subject in the presence of one of his large audiences. When he approaches it he has a habit of generalizing, and if he becomes specific he hastens his gait and touches points lightly. It needs no analysis, however, to see the drift of the legislation he advocates. He would have the civil power enforce a religious conception of Sunday observance, save that he would forego compulsory attendance at church. He would ostracize Sunday amusements, no matter how innocent; and entertainments, no matter how instructive. He would interdict the masses of city population from going to any suburban resort on the only day of the seven when it is in their power to breathe country air. Just where he would draw the line who can tell?
Dr. Crafts refers to the Sunday legislation on the statutes of many of the States as proof that public opinion would sustain the legislation he wants. It is true that many laws are in existence which do not accord with the grand conception of religious liberty that was entertained by the founders of our Government, and that was given expression in the national Constitution for Federal guidance. But Mr. Crafts might have added that in most cases such laws have no force, no attention being paid to them; which is a truer indication of popular sentiment.
Religious freedom to the churches and church people consists in the right to be protected from annoyance, and to others in the right to enjoy Sunday rest according to their own judgment.
PEERLESS. HYGIENIC.
Freedom and grace of motion cannot be obtained by those wearing a stiff corset.
Thousands of sensible women have laid aside their corsets and now wear our perfect substitute, “Madame Salisbury’s peerless corset waist,” or the hygiene bodice, perfect fitting, graceful, yet healthful.
LADY CANVASSERS
Make $5, to $8 per day selling our corsets, shoulder braces, skirt supporting bustles, etc., send two cent stamp for illustrated pamphlet “How to Dress Healthfully.”
Its Nature, Causes, Prevention, and Cure, and Diseases of the Throat, Eye, and Ear, due to Nasal Catarrh; with a chapter of
CHOICE PRESCRIPTIONS
BY J. H. KELLOGG, M. D.,
Medical Superintendent of the Largest Medical and Surgical Sanatorium in the World.
The work consists of 120 pages, and is embellished with a colored frontispiece and SIX BEAUTIFULLY COLORED PLATES, besides many illustrative cuts of the throat and nasal cavity in health and disease. This little work costs only 30 cents, and is in great demand.
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
43 Bond Street, New York.
Or Oakland, Cal.
NEW EDITIONS
By A. T. JONES
CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION
IN ENGLISH AND GERMAN
By A. T. JONES,
One of the Editors of the AMERICAN SENTINEL.
Scriptural, Logical, Plain, and Forcible.
This Important Work Shows Clearly The Relation That Should Exist Between Church And State At The Present Time, As Proven By The Bible And History Of The Past Twenty-five Centuries.
CHAP. I outlines vividly the relation that existed between “Christianity and the Roman Empire.”
CHAP. II distinguishes between “What is due to God and what to Cæsar.”
CHAP. III shows for what purpose the “Powers that Be” are ordained.
CHAP. IV ably discusses “The Religious Attack upon the United States Constitution, and Those Who Are Making it.”
CHAP. V unmasks “Religious Legislation,” calling special attention to the Blair Sunday Bill now pending in Congress.
CHAP. VI is devoted to the “Sunday-Law Movement in the Fourth Century, and its Parallel in the Nineteenth.”
CHAP. VII shows The Workings of Sunday Laws when they are enforced.
These chapters, with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States which are printed in Appendices C and D, make this treatise INDISPENSABLE TO EVERY LOVER OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION
Is a Pamphlet of 182 Large Octavo Pages, in English, Price 25 Cents; and in German, 228 Pages, Price, 35 Cents.
MILLIONS OF COPIES
Should be Placed in the Hands of Thinking People at once. It Clearly Defines what Position American Citizens should Sustain Toward the Effort now on Foot to Secure Religious Legislation. Address,
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
43 BOND STREET, NEW YORK,
OR OAKLAND, CAL.
GOOD FOR ALL TIME!
THE NATIONAL SUNDAY LAW
THIS PAMPHLET CONTAINS THE ARGUMENTS IN BEHALF OF THE RIGHTS OF AMERICAN CITIZENS, AND IN OPPOSITION TO THE BLAIR SUNDAY-REST BILL, WHICH MR. JONES PRESENTED BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR, DECEMBER 13, 1888.
Mr. Crafts has pronounced the report as published
“MIGHTY INTERESTING READING.”
And Mr. Jones’ comments make it more so. His argument is enlarged to what it would have been without Senator Blair’s interruptions, objections, and counter-arguments, and is accompanied with answers to all of his objections and counter-arguments. As the Sunday question is now a living issue, this treatise will be interesting to all classes, especially Legislators, lawyers, judges, and other public men. The argument is based on Scripture and history, constitution and law, showing the limits of the civil power, the unconstitutionality of the Sunday bill, an analysis of the Sunday laws and other religious legislation of the different States, the
Sunday-Law Movement of the Fourth Century,
AND THE
Sunday-Law Movement of the Nineteenth Century.
The Methods Used in Securing Indorsements to the Petition for the Blair Bill, and the Working of Such Sunday Laws as are Proposed for the United States.
The Work Contains 192 Pages and will be Sent Post-paid on Receipt of 25c.
Send for it! Read it! Send it to Your Friends!
Address all Orders to
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
43 BOND STREET, NEW YORK.
OR OAKLAND, CAL.
HEALTH FOOD CRACKERS
Health produces wealth and good health can not be made of poor material. The agitation of this health question for some years in the past has created a demand for
HEALTHFUL FOODS
in the manufacture of which we have for the past ten years engaged. The demand having constantly increased we have found it necessary to greatly increase our facilities by the addition of new and the latest improved machinery,etc. We are now well equipped and prepared to fill all orders and to extend our business into new fields.
Our Foods and Crackers are made from the choicest grains and are strictly pure, justly entitling them to the name above given.
SAMPLE PACKAGES
Of assorted Health Food Crackers sent post-paid on receipt of fifty cents. Write for descriptive circular and price list to
Health Food Company,163 WEST MAIN ST.,Battle Creek, Mich.
THE BEST
DUPLICATING INKS.
FOR USE WITH
“CYCLOSTYLE,” “MIMEOGRAPH,”
“COPYGRAPH.”
Or any Duplicating Process in which a Stencil is used, are the
Celebrated “Redding Inks.”
They Dry Fast, will not Blur nor Clog the stencil, Dry or Harden on Roller or Pallet, and are in every way
A SUPERIOR ARTICLE.
Send for Price Lists and Samples of Work Done with these Inks.
REDDING INK CO.,
43 BOND STREET, NEW YORK.
SAFETY PENCIL POCKET
Neat, cheap, serviceable. They perfectly secure pen or pencil in the pocket, so that it cannot fall out when stooping. Can be easily and safely attached to any part of the clothing. A small investment will prevent the loss of a valuable pen or pencil.
PRICES.
No. 1. Russia leather, for 2 pens . . . 10c.
No. 2. Russia leather, for 3 pens . . . 15c.
Sent by mail on receipt of price. We guarantee these pockets superior in every particular to similar styles formerly sold and still offered at much higher prices. Address:
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
43 BOND STREET, NEW YORK.
Or OAKLAND, CAL.
FORTUNE!
Florida Phosphate Facts Freely Furnished.
Knowing that very many people have erroneous ideas about Florida, her climate, resources, etc., and wishing to add 100,000 new names to our subscription list, we offer to send the Florida Home-Seeker till 1891, for only 50 cents, to everyone answering this advertisement. The Home-Seeker tells the truth, and nothing but the truth about Florida. Address.
FLORIDA HOME-SEEKER.
Apr. 24-3m GAINESVILLE, FLA.
ARGUMENTS
ON THE
Breckinridge Sunday Bill.
Verbatim report of the speeches of Eld. J. O. Corliss, of Washington, Alonzo T. Jones, of New York, Editor American Sentinel, and Milard P. Hobbs, District Master Workman of District Assembly 66, Knights of Labor, together with a brief submitted by Prof. W. H. McKee, Secretary of the National Religious Liberty Association,
All Against the Breckinridge Sunday Bill.
An important and telling document against all Sunday legislation, giving the facts of such legislation, together with the object and price of exemption clauses. Issued as No. 29 of the Sentinel Library. Price 10 cents. Address,
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
Or 43 Bond St., New York. Oakland, Cal.
The following numbers are now ready, and will be sent to any address post-paid on receipt of price:—
No. 1 The National Reformed Constitution. Price, 3 cents.
No. 2 Religious Liberty. Price, 1 cent.
No. 3 Evils of Religious Legislation. Price, 1 cent.
No. 4 The Blair Sunday Rest Bill. Price, 7 cents.
No. 5 The Blair Educational Amendment. Price, 3 cents.
No. 6 Purity of National Religion. Price, 1 cent.
No. 7 National Reform and Rights of Conscience. Price, 2 cents.
No. 8 The American Papacy. Price, 2 cents.
No. 9 The Salem Witchcraft. Price, 1 cent.
No. 10 National Reform in Church and State. Price, 2 cents.
No. 11 What Think Ye of Christ? Price, 1 cent.
No. 12 Bold and Base Avowal. Price, 2 cents.
No. 13 The National Reform Movement an Absurdity. Price, 2 cents.
No. 14 The Republic of Israel. Price, 1 cent.
No. 15 National Reformed Presbyterianism. Price, 4 cents.
No. 16 A Lutheran View of the National Reform Movement. Price, 3 cents.
No. 17 Religion and the Public Schools. Price, 4 cents.
No. 18 The National Sunday Law. Price, 25 cents.
No. 19 Rev. W. F. Crafts Against the Editors of The American Sentinel. Price, 10 cents.
No. 20 Romanism and Civil Liberty. Price, 4 cents.
No. 21 Why We Oppose Religious Legislation. Price, 3 cents.
No. 22 The American Sabbath Union and Human Rights. Price, 1 cent.
No. 23 A Civil Sunday Holiday. Price, 1 cent.
No. 24 Blair’s Sunday Rest Bill and Joint Resolution, introduced December 9, 1889. (Exact copies, with notes.) Price, 1 cent.
No. 25 Civil Government and the Decalogue. Price, 1 cent.
No. 26 National Reform Success Means Religious Persecution. Price, 1 cent.
No. 28 A Religious Political Movement. Price, 1 cent.
No. 29 Arguments on the Breckinridge Sunday Bill. The Object and Price of Exemption Clauses. Price, 10 cents.
No. 30 A Civil Sabbath. What It Amounts to. Price, 1 cent.
No. 31 Union of Church and State. What Constitutes Such a Union? Price, 1c.
