p. 239 | The American Sentinel, Vol. 4, No. 30. (8/21/1889)

Earlier text: Where does the Civil Sabbath Come In?

The Evils of Enforced Idleness.

By A. T. J.

New York State last year had a law forbidding the use of motive power machinery in its State prisons; forbidding contract labor of State prisoners; and forbidding the selling or giving away the product of any convict labor. It seems that that law was passed in the month of August, 1888. And what the law had accomplished from that time up to the month of April, 1889, the New York Independent tells in its issue of April 18. It says:—

“The prison is crowded. Discipline is becoming impaired. The men are deteriorating. They are begging for work, sending by hundreds to the head keeper with the same old petition. The best evidence of the evil of the Yates law is that they are going crazy under it. About a dozen have been sent to the asylum from Sing Sing, and three dozen in all during the last six months, or more than twice the number during the same time in the previous year. These are of the first fruits; and as to what may be counted on hereafter, let the prison officers tell us officially:—

“Warden Dunston, of Auburn:— ‘The enforced idleness of the convicted criminal demoralizes his mental, and wrecks his physical, system.’”

“Warden Fuller, of Clinton:— ‘To avoid the debilitating effects, mental, moral, and physical, that are the sequel to the confinement of prisoners in their cells without occupation, and in answer to the personal appeals of men for work, I have made for them such employment as I could.’”

“Warden Brush, of Sing Sing:— ‘Idleness in a prison is horrible to contemplate, especially to prison officials, who understand fully the consequences. The prisoners soon become restless, unhappy, and miserable. Time with them passes slowly, their bodies soon become unhealthy, and the mind must become diseased. In fact, nothing but disease, insanity, and death can be expected from this condition.’”

“Physician Barber, of Sing Sing:— ‘Confinement in their cells five-sixths of the time in almost solitary idleness appears to be forcing them back upon themselves,—a prey to the baneful influences of impure thoughts, corrupt conversation, disgusting personal habits, physical and mental prostration and moral degradation.’”

“General Superintendent Lathrop:— ‘Idleness is the bane of a prison, whose malign influence no prison administration, however humane, ingenious, and energetic, has ever been able to overcome.’”

That is the effect of enforced idleness in a prison where its effect can be definitely determined. Enforced idleness can never do anything else than to force men back upon themselves with the result stated by Physician Barber. Yet in the face of all this evidence of the corrupting influence of enforced idleness, the National Sunday-law workers still go ahead in their efforts to secure a national law by which everybody shall be compelled to be idle one-seventh of the time perpetually. Then, when they get their Sunday law, if a man will not be idle every Sunday he shall be imprisoned; and then, if they should extend the New York system to other States, when they once get them into prison they can compel them to be idle anyhow.

But in view of the facts set forth by these prison officials upon the destructive effects of idleness, every man who has any care for his mental, moral, or physical well-being, ought to oppose, with all his might, the making of any such law, and then, ought to refuse to obey any such law when it is made. In view of these evidences, we do not wonder that Dr. Crafts pronounces idleness to be Sabbath-breaking. It is one of the very worst sort of wickedness. The idle man is thrown back upon himself, and nothing good can ever come from it, even though it be done voluntarily. But when men are compelled by law, under pains and penalties, to be idle, they are forced back upon themselves, with the fearful results recorded above. And those who are responsible for making the law which forces men into such a condition as that, cannot be guiltless. The more that Sunday laws are tested, the more hideous they appear in their essential wickedness.

A. T. J.

What They Want It For.

By Alonzo T. Jones

MRS. J. C. BATEHAM, superintendent of Sabbath Observance, of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, is one of the leading workers for the National Sunday law. There is no disputing this. What she says therefore on this subject must be authoritative. What she shall say it is for which they want a National Sunday law, that must be the thing for which they want it. This cannot be questioned. She issued, last spring, a leaflet inquiring, How a weekly day of rest and quiet can be best secured by law? and in this leaflet she tells what they want the Sunday rest for. Here are her words:—

“We want it for the purposes for which God designed it when he bid us keep it holy; not for frivolity and amusement, not for sleep and idleness, not for the Sunday newspaper with its demoralizing literature, but for reading which is elevating and improving, including the Word of God, and for attendance upon church services.”

Then, a little further along, in the same leaflet she says:—

“Senator Blair’s Sunday-Rest bill prepared at the request of the W. C. T. U. and in response to the first two millions of petitions, is in the main entirely satisfactory to us.”

Now let us analyze this. What they want a day of rest and quiet for, is, the reading of the Word of God and for attendance upon church services. The inquiry is, “How these can best be secured by law?” Then the statement is, “That the Sunday-Rest bill prepared at their request, is in the main, entirely satisfactory.” It therefore follows that the object of the Blair Sunday-Rest bill is to establish a day of rest and quiet for the reading of the Word of God and attendance upon church services. This is the inevitable logic of the statements of one of the very chiefest of the Sunday-law workers. If this be not so, then there is no truth in axioms, there is no force in logic, and Roger Bacon was a fraud.

And yet, they blame us for saying that the object of the Sunday law is religious, and that it is the religious observance of the day that they are trying to secure by national law. But why should they blame us? We say no more than they say themselves. We simply draw the conclusions from their own premises. We cannot forsake our senses. We cannot renounce our own power of reasoning, neither can we be so uncharitable nor so ungallant as to hold that Christian women do not mean what they say. She says they want the day “for reading the Word of God and for attendance upon church services.” She wants to know how such a day can best be secured by law, and she says Senator Blair’s Sunday-Rest bill is in the main entirely satisfactory. Then the direct and intentional object of the Blair Sunday-Rest bill is the religious observance of Sunday, and also the religious observance, too, even to the extent of reading the Word of God and attendance upon church service.

Therefore, in the interests of the Word of God and of church services, and of Christianity as a whole, we are everlastingly opposed to the Blair Sunday-Rest bill or any bill like it in any degree. The Union Signal says that the strongest opponents of the Sunday law spent twenty thousand dollars last year in defending their opposing doctrines. That may be true, we have not kept exact account, but we are inclined to think it is rather less than more than the sum; but whether it be less or more, we can inform the Union Signal and the Sunday-law workers all together, that we intend to spend every cent we have in opposition to the Sunday law, so that when they get it, they cannot take anything from us in the way of fines for breaking it. It is evil and only evil, and that continually, and in obedience to the scriptural injunction we do, as far as in us lies, “Abhor that which is evil.” A. T. J.

The Press and the Sunday-Rest Bill.

By Editor

THOUGHTFUL representatives of the press of the United States have spoken and are speaking with reference to the Blair Sunday-Rest bill, and kindred legislation, in no uncertain manner. The Telegraph, of Dubuque, Iowa, closes a discussion of that question in the following words:—

“The Telegraph is in favor of observing Sunday as a day of rest, but it is not willing, in order to secure it, to see a law made to interfere with the conscience or personal liberty of the individual, in any particular. Many citizens in Iowa believe in keeping Saturday as a holy day, while others have no belief on the subject, and to compel such persons to rest on Sunday might not only be a hardship, but it would certainly be ‘despoiling them of their legal rights.’ But the passage of the Blair Sunday-Rest bill would set a dangerous precedent for further enactments of the same kind. If Congress can compel a man to cease from his secular employments on the Sabbath-day, why could it not with equal propriety say he must go to church? This much conceded, it would be but another short stretch of authority for the government to step in and decide upon what church he should attend. This would be uniting Church and State, something against the enactment of which every church and society should send in protests to their Representatives and Senators in Congress.”

The Globe, Kansas City, Mo., says:—

“The adoption of a policy of Sabbath desecration can be defended from no standpoint whatever, but Sabbath desecration must be properly defined. It will not do to include in the forbidden activities of Sunday the innocent recreations of the laboring masses. That will shut them off from religious influence entirely, for human beings cannot be constantly kept within the shadow of toil and at the same time thrive in morals and grow in intelligence. These are conditions and circumstances that ought to have careful consideration at the hands of legislators in our own State, where the attempt is being made to establish and enforce a policy that is certain to ultimately operate against the observance of good order on the Sabbath, and to embitter a large proportion of our people against the religious forces pressing it. We have law enough on the Sunday question, and more than enough. It will cost heavily in the general morality of the people to insist on making further statutory rules for the regulation of the public conduct on the Sabbath.”

The World, Charleston, S. C., refers to our work, and to the Blair bill, as follows:—

“We have received a copy of a small paper called the Outlook and Sabbath Quarterly, which condemns on principle the bill alluded to, and discusses it from the standpoint of individual rights and common sense. “The arguments against the general government’s legislating on such a subject are strongly put, and point out the inconsistency of securing to the people the enjoyment of a day of rest by legally indicating what they shall or shall not do. “To our way of thinking, the title of the measure is a misnomer, in part. ‘A bill to promote religious worship,’ would have been a little more appropriate to

the contents of the document. No matter what any one may say to the contrary, religious worship is a duty that every citizen should perform, and though duties may be regulated by law, it is certainly beyond the province of legislation to enact laws instructing men how they may secure the enjoyment of a day of rest, inasmuch as enjoyment is in great measure regulated by taste, discretion and breeding, which differ in the cases of different men. “‘The bill referred to makes Sunday the day of rest. There are now some religions that observe Saturday as such. Are they to be compelled to change their day, and would this accord with the provisions of the Constitution in reference to the free exercise of religious belief?’ “‘We agree with the religious publication referred to in the conclusion that legislation on this subject on the part of the general government is unwise and impracticable.’”

These are representative-expressions from different parts of the country, which indicate the drift of opinion on the part of the secular press. We do not need to reassure the readers of the Outlook that our sympathies and efforts are wholly with good order and good morals upon every holiday. We are equally uncompromising in our opposition to “Sabbath legislation,” . . . which, under the pretense of seeking only the “civil Sabbath,” aims at securing the support of the civil law for the religious observance of Sunday. Those who have advocated the Blair bill, and who announce that the agitation is to continue until a similar bill be passed, “protest too much” that they aim only at securing a civil Sabbath. It were far more just to take the position occupied by the National Reform Association, and with the courage of honest conviction, say that there can be no civil Sabbath, and that the law of the commonwealth ought to support Sunday as a religious institution. This is the real desire of those who religiously regard the day, and are clamoring for this new legislation. Let them fairly state the issue and enter the field in defense of such an issue. If there can be ultimate success for such efforts, it will be obtained sooner by an open avowal of the religious purpose, than otherwise. Any legislation less than this, if attainable, would give only a lower type of holidayism, if possible, than that which now prevails. This, rather than helping, would hinder the cause of moral and religious reform. The real issue at stake in the struggle for national Sunday legislation centers around the right of the State to touch the question of Sunday observance in any way. The effort to occupy a middle ground between the basis on which existing Sunday legislation rests, and the non-religious basis which many are now advocating, will be futile. If the law has any right to touch the question, it has full right to require “the religious observance of Sunday.” Otherwise the utmost limit it may attain is the permission to cease from labor on that day, if men choose thus to do.

We are in hearty sympathy with the idea that those who desire to observe Sunday religiously, should be protected in such observance; that protection should be granted to them as citizens of the commonwealth, not as religionists. By the same law, those who wish to observe the seventh day, are entitled to the same protection, as citizens, and not as religionists. That they happen to be in the minority does not impair their right to such protection, and all legislation which proceeds upon the idea that the minority can be ignored because it is the minority, is non-republican, unjust, and to be resisted. If the majority doctrine were to be applied, those who do not desire to observe Sunday religiously, being in the great majority, would have full right to ignore the minority, for such indeed they are who desire to observe the day religiously. The injustice which the advocates of stricter legislation would do to those who keep Saturday would fall with double force upon their own heads, if the doctrine they teach were to be strictly applied.

All men by virtue of citizenship, and under the doctrine of religious liberty, are entitled to protection in all matters of conscience. But protection in religious matters does not require direct or indirect compulsion on the part of the irreligious, requiring them to conform to any act, as of abstaining from secular labor, because certain ones desire thus to do. If it be answered that disturbing noises interfere with religious regard for the day, it is enough to say that beyond disturbances that interfere with public assemblies the law cannot go. If it can, then the Seventh-day Baptist Church, which is disturbed by the rush of business around it on Saturday, is wronged in the sight of the civil law, and of the divine as well; and the men who care to worship the next day must remain quiet for two days. This is now practically the case with all who observe Saturday. It is therefore clear that the principle of religious liberty requires nothing beyond protection from direct disturbance of public assemblies. All else must be left to the action of individual conscience. Rioting and drunkenness should be prohibited at any time.—Outlook and Sabbath Quarterly.

Neither Christian nor Infidel.

By A. Delos Westcott

THE National Reformers say that because the United States Constitution does not recognize Christianity, it is therefore an infidel document. This is about as sensible as it would be to say that because there is no horse in a certain stable, it must therefore contain a cow. The fact that the Constitution fails to recognize Christianity no more proves it to be an infidel document than does the fact that the Constitution neglects to mention and recognize infidelity prove it to be a Christian document. The United States Constitution says not a word about infidelity. Are the National Reformers willing to accept this as proof that it is a decidedly Christian instrument? They ought to be, according to their own reasoning.

I repeat, if the absence of Christianity proves the presence of infidelity, then the absence of infidelity must prove the presence of Christianity. The fact is, however, that the national Constitution knows nothing of either Christianity or infidelity. It does not deal either with religion nor with irreligion. It tries neither to help religion nor to hinder it. It was not made for any such purpose. It minds its own business, and engages itself wholly, with the affairs of this life. The necessities and comforts of this life are not infidel. There is nothing essentially infidel about ordinary food and clothing. If there is, then National Reformers had better shun these things in the future. Strange as it may seem, there are some things which are neither Christian nor infidel. Here is a grist-mill. It was not made to grind out Christianity, and is not, therefore, a Christian machine. Neither was it intended to produce infidelity; consequently it is not an infidel machine. It was made to manufacture flour—something to minister to man's temporal necessities—and is therefore a secular, or civil, machine.

The trouble with National Reformers is, they are unable to discover that there are some things belonging to Cæsar which do not belong to God; much less are they able to see that there are some things belonging to God which do not belong to Cæsar, and with which he has no right to interfere. National Reform logic may be summed up as follows:—

1. Everything that is not religious is infidel and atheistic.

2. Temporal affairs are not religious, therefore they are atheistic.

3. Hence National Reformers should have nothing to do with temporal affairs, that they may be able to avoid infidelity and atheism.

A. DELOS WESTCOTT.

A “Theological Trust.”

By J. W. Scoles

THE subject of trusts is attracting considerable attention at present, owing to the number of new trusts being formed in addition to those already in operation. Briefly speaking, a trust is a monopoly; because it is an attempt upon the part of those concerned in it, be they one or many, to secure the control of any certain article upon which they have previously agreed, and by means of this control, to force those desiring the article in question to obtain it solely at the hands of the corporation or organization representing the trust. This is why we have coal trusts, sugar trusts, gas trusts, salt trusts, oil trusts, etc.

The latest trust, however, and one which, by the way, indicates much more in the direction of evil results than those which have just been mentioned, is the associating together of certain individuals and organizations for the formation of a grand religious trust. Of course, they don’t designate their work by such a name, but this is just what it amounts to in the outcome.

The most active factor in this arrangement is the National Reform Association, which for years has been laboring to bring about a condition of affairs in which all the Christian laws, institutions, and usages of this government should be placed “on an undeniable legal basis in the fundamental law of the land.” It has recently been joined in its work by the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, and by the Prohibition party; the American Sabbath Union has also shown strong proclivities in this direction. Under the stimulus of these combined influences, a trust of gigantic magnitude is appearing, which, in its Heaven-daring attempt to coerce the consciences of men manifests more of the spirit of monopoly in this direction than has been witnessed since the Great Romish trust of the Middle Ages suspended active operations.

But the particular feature in which this aforesaid religious trust proposes to distance all its worldly competitors is this: While they design simply to supply the demand as fast as created, these self-appointed custodians of public morals propose to force their religious wares upon the market, and then, through the power of civil law, to compel everybody to become purchasers.

This is an era of trusts, and the Americans are a “trusting” people. It is possible, however, to become too confiding in such cases as this. Unless American citizens are tired of liberty of thought and freedom of conscience, it will be well for them to turn a deaf ear to all the pleadings of the National Reformers and their allies, who seek to accomplish by religious legislation what they are powerless to perform through moral suasion. True religion and true Christianity have no need of a political “combine” in order to reach the hearts of the people. Down with all trusts in general, and the Religious Political National Reform trust in particular.

J. W. SCOLES.

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