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The American Sentinel, Vol. 5, No. 41

A **RECENT** decision of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, holding that a barbe
Earlier text: A **RECENT** decision of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, holding that a barbe

Sunday and the World's Fair.

The question of closing the World's Fair on Sunday is being agitated at the present time. It is insisted by a numerous and influential class of citizens that the Columbian Exposition to be held in Chicago in 1893, shall be closed to all the world on Sunday.
It is not the purpose of this leaflet to discuss whether the Fair shall or shall not be closed on Sunday, but to inquire what motive prompts the making of such a demand. On what ground is the demand that the Fair be closed on Sunday, based? Why not ask that it be closed on Monday? or why ask that it be closed on any day?
Sunday is regarded by a large majority of Christians as a religious day, and from these, and for religious reasons, comes the demand that the Fair be closed on Sunday. This is the reason the demand is made,—their religious views of the character of the day. The demand, then, is made by a class of religious people, from religious motives, and for religious ends. To their religious views they certainly have a right; but when it is insisted that the religious views of some, even though they be largely in the majority, shall be made a rule of action for all, another question at once arises,—

CAN A LAND OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY ENFORCE RELIGIOUS VIEWS?

The World's Fair is not a religious concern. Others beside those who regard Sunday as a sacred day will visit it, and contribute to its support and success. Thousands may wish to attend it on Sunday who will not have an opportunity to do so on other days. Should the Fair be kept open, those who regard Sunday religiously need not visit it on that day: Their action in the matter would depend solely on their own choice. But to demand that the World's Fair shall be closed to all the world on Sunday, because some good people regard that day religiously, is unreasonable. What right have those who regard the hours of Sunday as holy time, to dictate how or where those who do not so regard them shall or shall not spend their time? With all respect to religion, it must be said that when its devotees assume such an attitude, they are taking unwarrantable ground.
This demand is not made in the interests of the Fair, or of the Nation, but to secure national sanction to certain religious views. It is prompted by the same spirit which demands a national Sunday law, and an establishment by law of a national religion. But—

IS CIVIL GOVERNMENT THE PROPER CONSERVATOR OF RELIGION?

The object of civil government is not to make its citizens religious, but civil. Religion pertains to a man's obligations to God and his well-being in another world. Civil governments are instituted to protect men in their rights in this world. It is not the province of religion to run civil governments. The Church has never assumed control of the State without persecution quickly following in its train. Forgetting their high calling, religionists have sometimes made it their chief business to meddle with worldly affairs, and sought to place civil governments on a religious basis; but all such efforts have invariably proved disastrous, both to religion and the governments.
The success of Christianity does not depend upon the closing of the Columbian Exposition on Sunday. Christianity is a great deal larger than Columbia or the Exposition, and Sunday-keeping is not all there is to Christianity. Christians differ as to which day is the Sabbath, some claiming the first, and others the seventh day of the week, and it is not the province of the Government to say which is right.
Aside from divine revelation, the strongest argument any one can make in favor of the day he regards as sacred is for him to keep it. The consistent course for those churches to pursue which regard Sunday as sacred time, is for them to prohibit their members from attending the Fair on that day, and discipline those who do. This they may do, and this is as far as they can consistently go. The membership of a church is the extent of its jurisdiction. It is not the business of churches to demand of nations, States, or principalities, that everybody shall be required to conform to their ideas and customs in religious matters. Any attempt in this direction is but a step toward a union of Church and State.—N. R. L. A. Leaflet.
THE State is not an exhorter, or a pursuader, or a debating club, but a positive law power for secular purposes; and hence, when it attempts to administer religion, it must of necessity give to it the law force, deciding what religion is true, and by what method it shall be promoted. There is no escape from this result, if we admit the principle from which it springs.—Samuel T. Spear, D. D.

NATIONAL

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY ASSOCIATION.

DECLARATION of PRINCIPLES.

We believe in the religion taught by Jesus Christ.
We believe in temperance, and regard the liquor traffic as a curse to society.
We believe in supporting the civil government, and submitting to its authority.
We deny the right of any civil government to legislate on religious questions.
We believe it is the right, and should be the privilege, of every man to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience.
We also believe it to be our duty to use every lawful and honorable means to prevent religious legislation by the civil government; that we and our fellow-citizens may enjoy the inestimable blessings of both religious and civil liberty.

OFFICES.

43 Bond Street, New York City;
225 A St., N. E., Washington; 28 College Place, Chicago.
C. Eldridge,                                                             President.
W. H. McKee,                                                             Secretary.

An Unwarrantable Attempt.

By Editor

THE SENTINEL is not partisan in any sense, and, therefore, upon the reference to the Republicans in the following extract from the Sun, we have nothing to say. We print the item solely for the value of the point which it makes so clearly, without reference one way or the other to the Republicans, as such:—
“I think,” said Governor Hoard in a speech delivered at Waukesha, the day after the Milwaukee election, “I see the interest of the American State hanging in the balance in the discussion, and I wish to see exhibited the patriotism that knows enough to defend the house in which it lives. This law may be imperfect, but what new law is not? It may require to be perfected, but we should stand by the right of the State to prescribe the secular education of the State.” Unfortunately for Governor Hoard and the Republicans, the Bennett bill undertakes to prescribe what shall be taught in schools supported by religious bodies and private means, and not by public taxation. The position of the opponents of the Bennett bill is clearly defined by Mr. George Brumder, proprietor of the Germania, the organ of the German Lutheran Church. “It is not,” he says, “because the Lutherans are adverse to the teaching of English in the Lutheran schools, that we oppose the law, but simply because the State attempts to dictate to us what we shall teach in our private schools.”
The Republicans are raising the cry of the State against the Church, and they are taking the rather ticklish course of representing the opposition to the Bennett bill as the work of Catholics, Lutherans, and foreigners generally. In reality the opponents of the bill are fighting for the good and sound principle that the State shall mind its own business. They are not attacking the common schools. They are defending private and parochial schools, and they are resisting the unwarrantable attempt of the State to direct the instruction in institutions which it does not support.”
Him whom they would make King of this Nation by the manipulations of corrupt politicians, said, “My kingdom is not of this world.”

IS THE PAPACY IN PROPHECY?

By Rev. Thomas W. Haskins, M.A.

BY THE
Rev. Thomas W. Haskins, M.A.,
Rector Christ Church, Los Angeles, Cal.
The above is the title of a treatise written by the author, at the request of the Ministerial Union of Los Angeles, California. It grew out of a discussion upon the present aspect and aims of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States, the author taking the ground that the rise, progress, present and future condition of the temporal power known as the Papacy, or Vaticanism, is outlined in the prophecies of Holy Scriptures with sufficient accuracy to determine what the “Papacy” is, and what is to be its future development and ultimate end.
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GOOD FOR ALL TIME!

THE NATIONAL SUNDAY LAW

This Pamphlet Contains the Arguments in Behalf of the Rights of American Citizens, and in Opposition to the Blair Sunday-Rest Bill, which Mr. Jones Presented Before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, December 13, 1888.
Mr. Crafts has pronounced the report as published

“MIGHTY INTERESTING READING.”

And Mr. Jones’ comments make it more so. His argument is enlarged to what it would have been without Senator Blair’s interruptions, objections, and counter-arguments, and is accompanied with answers to all of his objections and counter-arguments. As the Sunday question is now a living issue, this treatise will be interesting to all classes, especially Legislators, lawyers, judges, and other public men. The argument is based on Scripture and history, constitution and law, showing the limits of the civil power, the unconstitutionality of the Sunday bill, an analysis of the Sunday laws and other religious legislation of the different States, the

Sunday-Law Movement of the Fourth Century,

AND THE

Sunday-Law Movement of the Nineteenth Century.

The Methods Used in Securing Indorsements to the Petition for the Blair Bill, and the Workings of Such Sunday Laws as are Proposed for the United States.
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NEW EDITIONS

By A. T. Jones

CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION

IN ENGLISH AND GERMAN

By A. T. Jones,
One of the Editors of the AMERICAN SENTINEL.

Scriptural, Logical, Plain, and Forcible.

This Important Work Shows Clearly the Relation That Should Exist Between Church and State at the Present Time, as Proven by the Bible and History of the Past Twenty-five Centuries.
CHAP. I outlines vividly the relation that existed between “Christianity and the Roman Empire.”
CHAP. II distinguishes between “What is due to God and what to Cæsar.”
CHAP. III shows for what purpose the “Powers that Be” are ordained.
CHAP. IV ably discusses, “The Religious Attack upon the United States Constitution, and Those Who Are Making it.”
CHAP. V unmasks “Religious Legislation,” calling special attention to the Blair Sunday Bill now pending in Congress.
CHAP. VI is devoted to the “Sunday-Law Movement in the Fourth Century, and its Parallel in the Nineteenth.”
CHAP. VII shows the workings of Sunday Laws when they are enforced.
These chapters, with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States which are printed in Appendices C and D, make this treatise INDISPENSABLE TO EVERY LOVER OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

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