Conspicuously Exemplified by the Ceremony of the Czar’s Coronation.
The eyes of the civilized world have but just been turned from beholding the imposing spectacle of the coronation of his imperial majesty the Czar of Russia, in the historic city of Moscow. Among all that which was calculated to render the occasion great and impressive, nothing was more conspicuous than its deep religious character, which found expression through all the ceremonies in an acknowledgment of national dependence upon God. What the “National Reformers” have been long striving for in this country is in Russia an accomplished fact. It will now devolve upon this “reform” party, to bring the Government of the United States up to the level of national righteousness already occupied by Russia.
Only a Union of Religion and the State.
The Czar of Russia, we are told, holds no office whatever in the Russian Church. He is simply a pious ruler, exercising the civil power and authority for the glory of God, as every ruler ought to do, according to the National Reform theory. Hence there is no union of Church and State, and hence no chance for religious injustice and persecution. The Czar aims, of course, to exercise his power as ruler in harmony with the views of the leading religious representatives of the realm, just as we are told Congress and the civil rulers should do here. This is merely a union of religion and the State, or in other words, “national Christianity,” which we are told is not to be feared, but desired.
Description of the Coronation.
The following description of the coronation ceremonies is taken slightly abbreviated, from the New Orleans Times-Democrat of May 27. Let the reader imagine, as he reads it, an inauguration of a President of the United States conducted upon similar principles, such as would be demanded by a governmental profession of Christianity. We quote (italics ours):—
Before the procession started the grand almoner of their majesties, bearing a large golden cross, studded with jewels, and assisted by the deacons carrying a golden bowl full of holy water, sprinkled the whole route which was to be followed by their majesties from the palace to the Cathedral of the Assumption.
The ex-Empress Marie Feodorovna’s departure for the Cathedral of the Assumption having been announced, the Czar and Czarina made their entrance into the throne hall and seated themselves on their thrones, over which was a magnificent canopy.
THE IMPERIAL CORTEGE.
A moment later a signal announced that the time had arrived for the departure of the imperial cortege, and the latter moved toward the Cathedral.
The grand procession was headed by the Chevalier Guards of the ex-Empress Marie Feodorovna. Following were the imperial pages, representatives of the syndics of the rural communes, the mayors of the leading cities and members of the various local governments, presidents of the commercial and financial bodies and of artisans’ guilds of Moscow, etc. These were followed by Cossack soldiers and people, delegations from the nobility, the Senate, the church, etc.
As their majesties approached the entrance of the Cathedral, the metropolitan of Moscow pronounced the usual allocution, the metropolitan of St. Petersburg presented the cross to their majesties, and the metropolitan of Kieff presented them with holy water.
Entering the Cathedral, their majesties bowed the knee three times before a holy door and venerated the saintly images. They afterward moved toward the estrade and took their seats on the thrones of the Czars of Michael Feodorovitch and John III. The archbishops, archimandrites and the officiating clergy placed themselves in two ranks between the estrade of189the throne and the holy door, and the choir chanted the Psalm: “Misericordiam et Judicium Cantabo Tibi, Domine.”
THE CORONATION CEREMONY.
The ceremony of the coronation and anointment was then accomplished, as follows: “The metropolitan of St. Petersburg mounted the steps of the throne, placed himself in front of the Emperor and invited his majesty to make, before his faithful subjects, and in a loud voice, his profession of orthodox faith, and presented him with the open book from which the Emperor recited the symbol of the faith. After this the metropolitan of St. Petersburg pronounced the ritual: “Oratio Spiritus Sancti Sit Emperor Tecum. Amen.”
The metropolitan then left the estrade, and after the reading of the holy gospels, the metropolitans of St. Petersburg and of Kieff mounted the steps to the throne.
The Emperor arose and, taking off the collar of the Order of St. Andrew, ordered that the imperial mantle with the collar, in diamonds, of that order, be presented to him. They were presented on cushions by the metropolitans of St. Petersburg and Kieff, who also assisted his majesty to put on the mantle. The metropolitan of St. Petersburg then pronounced the words: “In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.” (In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Amen.)
His majesty received the pontifical benediction of the metropolitan of St. Petersburg, who placed his hands on the Czar’s head in the form of a cross, reciting the two prayers prescribed by the ritual.
The prayers terminated, the Emperor ordered that the imperial crown be presented to him. Thereupon the metropolitan of St. Petersburg took the imperial crown and handed it to the Emperor, who took it in his hands and placed it on his head.
The metropolitan then, in a loud voice, pronounced the prescribed allocution.
In a similar manner his Majesty caused to be presented to him the scepter and the globe, and, having taken the scepter in his right hand and the globe in his left hand, he seated himself upon the throne. A few moments later his Majesty arose and placed the scepter and globe upon cushions.
The monarch then called upon her Majesty the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna to approach, and she knelt before him on a velvet cushion richly embroidered with gold.
CROWNING OF THE CZARINA.
His Majesty thereupon solemnly lifted the crown from his own head and touched with it the forehead of the Empress. He then replaced the crown upon his own head.
His Majesty afterward took up the crown of the Empress and placed it on the head of her Majesty.
Her Majesty’s imperial mantle and the collar of the Order of St. Andrew were next presented with the same ceremony. This done, her Majesty took her seat on the throne while the Emperor again took the scepter in his right hand and the globe in his left.
The archdeacon next proclaimed the imperial title in extenso and intoned the verses: “Domine, Salvum Fac Imperatorem,” and “Domine, Salvum Fac Imperatricem,” followed by the “Ad Multos Annos,” which the choir repeated three times.
After the chanting the bells of the cathedral and of all the other edifices throughout Moscow were rung and a salute of 101 cannon shots were fired.
The Emperor then arose, handed the scepter and the globe to attendants and knelt down to recite from the book presented to him by the metropolitan of St. Petersburg, the prayer prescribed for the occasion. The prayer terminated, the metropolitan and all present knelt, and, in the name of the nation, offered up prayers to the Almighty.
After the prayer the metropolitan of St. Petersburg addressed a short allocution to the Emperor, and the choir intoned the Te Deum to the sound of the bells of all the churches of the Kremlin. During this ceremony the Czar stood with bared head.
The reading of the holy gospel followed, and two of the archbishops presented the holy book to their Majesties to kiss.
The anthem terminated and the officiating clergy having been notified that the holy door was open, two archbishops, assisted by archdeacons, advanced from the altar toward his majesty to announce to the latter that the holy ceremony of the anointment was to begin.
Thereupon his Majesty, having handed his sword to one of his assistants, descended from the throne, and, preceded by the scepter, the globe and the crown, went toward the holy door, followed by the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna.
On both sides of his Majesty were his assistants, the Minister of the Imperial Household, the Minister of War, the aide-de-camp, etc. Approaching the holy door, the Emperor and Empress stood on the golden cloth. The attendants grouped themselves on either side behind their Majesties. The metropolitan of St. Petersburg, bearing the precious amphora with the holy chrism, dipped in it the bowl prepared for the purpose and anointed the forehead, eyelids, nostrils, lips, ears, chest and hands of the Emperor, pronouncing the words: “Impressio Doni Spiritus Sancti.” (The seal of the gift of the Holy Spirit.)
The ringing of bells and firing of a salute of 101 guns notified the populace of the conclusion of this ceremony.
ANOINTING OF THE CZAR.
After the holy unction, his Majesty placed himself on the right, in front of the image of the Saviour, and the Empress approached the holy door, where the metropolitan of St. Petersburg anointed her on the forehead, pronouncing the words of the ritual.
The metropolitan of St. Petersburg afterward introduced the Emperor into the sanctuary by the holy door, the other prelates officiating holding up the imperial mantle from the moment he passed the door.
Subsequently the Emperor received the holy communion as it is administered to priests,—that is, separately—by virtue of his sovereignty. Leaving the sanctuary, his Majesty again took up his place before the image of the Saviour, while the Empress received holy communion according to the usual rite.
Their Majesties returned to their thrones, where the post-communion ceremonies were performed, and at the end of the mass the archdeacon intoned the verses: “Domine Salvum Fac Imperatorem,” and “Domine Salvum Fac Imperatricem,” the choir repeating three times “Ad Multos Annos.”
At the end of the service the clergy presented the cross to their Majesties for them to kiss, the Emperor replaced the crown on his head, again took the scepter and the globe, and the clergy and all the persons present presented their felicitations upon the conclusion of the ceremonies of the coronation and the anointment.
The procession then moved back to the palace in the same order and with the same ceremony as upon the occasion of leaving it, preceded by the cortege of the ex-Empress Marie Feodorovna.
After leaving the Cathedral of the Assumption, the Emperor and Empress repaired to the Cathedral of the Archangel Michael, where they were received by the Bishop of Kostroma, who presented them with a cross and holy water, and preceded them into the cathedral.
Upon entering the sacred edifice, his Majesty placed his crown, scepter and globe in the hands of attendants, their Majesties knelt and prayed before the holy images, relics and tombs of their ancestors, and the archdeacon read the lines.
Resuming the crown, scepter and globe, the Emperor proceeded in state with the Empress to the Cathedral of the Annunciation, where they were received by the Archbishop of Kherson and the clergy. There, also, his Majesty took off his crown and placed the scepter and globe in the hands of those charged to receive them, and the usual religious ceremonies followed. From the Cathedral of the Annunciation their Majesties went to the palace, and at the Krasnoe Kryltse received the benediction of the metropolitan of St. Petersburg.
This seems to have terminated the religious part of the proceedings, and certainly no God-in-the-Constitutionist could have wished for a more full or solemn expression of national allegiance to God than these contained.
During the progress of the succeeding festivities, which continued for several days, an appalling catastrophe occurred, by which between 2,000 and 3,000 of the new Czar’s subjects lost their lives. It was, however, deemed in harmony with the national profession of Christianity just made that the Czar should be present and dance at a “brilliant ball” given a few hours after the disaster, at the French Embassy. The press reports that “preparations had been made on the most elaborate scale for this ball, and it is asserted that $70,000 was expended on the supper alone, rare viands and delicious fruits and vegetables being brought from the most distant climes to add to the delights of the feast, while France furnished the costliest and most elegant fabrics and furniture to set off the beauties of the palace where the Embassy is lodged. . . . While the dance within the French Embassy continued amid all the accompaniments of luxury and gayety, disconsolate friends and relatives wandered over the desolate plain among the dead and the suffering dying, looking, often in vain for their missing.”
The Russian government is determined to make its religion a truly national religion, and to this end is endeavoring to weed out from the empire all unorthodox religions, by exterminating the dissenting sects, such as the Stundists, Baptists, Jews, etc., who will not change their religion for the Orthodox “faith.” This again is just as it ought to be under the “National Reform” God-in-the-Constitutionist theory of government. We have but to look at Russia, with its system of religious proscription and Siberian exile, to see this theory in all the beauty of practical realization. But we are not at all charmed by the sight.
May it be long indeed ere the people of this land are induced to arm the civil power with authority to profess religion in their name and establish a national code of religious belief to which all must conform or subject themselves to the penalty of disfranchisement and the loss of their civil rights. S.
AN ESTABLISHMENT OF RELIGION.
In a speech in the House of Representatives on the 4th of last February, recorded in the Congressional Record of the same date, page 1439, Mr. Maguire of California said:—
“There is an establishment of religion right here in this House, and repeated appropriations of public money for the establishment and promotion of religion here, which, in my judgment, we ought to stop before we take up the subject of charitable appropriations to sectarian hospitals and asylums. The election of a chaplain of this House is an act respecting an establishment of religion. You cannot select a chaplain to pray for heavenly guidance for this House without having first determined that he is a minister of the true religion. How worse than useless, nay, how terrible it would be to select a minister of a false religion to serve as a medium of communication between this House and the Almighty. His appointment would be an insult to divinity, and his prayers would be blasphemies, bringing curses instead of blessings. We do necessarily establish a religion in the election of a chaplain to conduct religious services for the House, and we do it in defiance of the constitutional provision which absolutely forbids it. We have no right to do it, and no right to appropriate a dollar of public money for that purpose.
“Now, let those who object to sectarianism in our laws and in our appropriation bills—in which I quite agree with them in principle—do away with this unconstitutional establishment190of religion and put a stop to this unconstitutional appropriation of public funds to pay for sectarian teaching and sectarian religious ceremonies. I will go as far as any of these gentlemen in supporting the spirit of our institutions as embodied in that provision of the Federal Constitution; but let us commence where no harm and no wrong can be done. If principle be the sole motive of the objection to these appropriations, and I assume that it is, here is a grand and conspicuous field for patriotic effort. Let our national church establishment be disestablished and leave these minor violations of principle until the Government is better prepared to substitute public care for private care of its charges.
“I make these suggestions in no spirit of hostility to the churches nor to any church. I recognize their great power for good among men. I believe they will be stronger and greater when they shall be entirely separated from the State, and I believe the State will be likewise made stronger and better and purer by such separation.
“This is a civil government, deriving nothing from the church and capable of giving nothing to it. It should be strictly nonsectarian—professing no religion, but respecting and equally protecting all.”
"NATIONAL REFORM" ARGUMENT USED IN ECUADOR.
The Panama Star and Herald, of May 23, prints the following:—
Great consternation prevails in Ecuador, owing to the recent earthquakes, which partially destroyed the town of Portoviejo and some others. The Conservatives have seized this opportunity to dilate on divine retribution and to work up the religious fanaticism of the people against the present administration, asserting that God shows his anger by permitting such awful calamities to befall the people who support Alfaro. Their efforts in this direction seem, however, to have miscarried, for the people appear to be determined to have a government that will not defraud and oppress them.
The argument is just as good in Ecuador as it is in the United States.
PROHIBITIONISTS AND THEIR PLATFORMS.
The Prohibitionists of the country held their national convention in Pittsburg, Pa., on the 27th and 28th ult. The result must certainly have been a disappointment to all in sympathy with the Prohibition movement.
The convention resulted in a division of the party, two tickets being placed in nomination, and two platforms adopted. The candidates of the regular Prohibition Party are: Hon. Joshua Levering, of Maryland, for President, and Hon. Hale Johnson, of Illinois, for Vice-President.
The “bolters” organized what they call the “National Party,” their candidates being Rev. C. E. Bentley, of Nebraska, for President, and J. H. Southgate, of North Carolina, for Vice-President.
The regular Prohibition platform as printed in the Voice of June 4, is as follows:—
THE PROHIBITION PLATFORM.
We, the members of the Prohibition Party, in national convention assembled, renewing our declaration of allegiance to Almighty God as the rightful ruler of the universe, lay down the following as our declaration of political purpose:—
The Prohibition Party, in national convention assembled, declares its firm conviction that the manufacture, exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages has produced such social, commercial, industrial, and political wrongs, and is now so threatening the perpetuity of all our social and political institutions, that the suppression of the same by a national party organized therefor, is the greatest object to be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is of such importance that it, of right, ought to control the political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such suppression is accomplished.
The urgency of this course demands the union without further delay of all citizens who desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic; therefore be it
Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by State and national legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to organize and unite all the friends of Prohibition into one party, and in order to accomplish this end we deem it of right to leave every Prohibitionist the freedom of his own convictions upon all other political questions, and trust our representatives to take such action upon other political questions as the changes occasioned by Prohibition and the welfare of the whole people shall demand.
To this was subsequently added this plank on motion of Mrs. Ella A. Boole of this city:— “Resolved, That the right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on account of sex.”
The platform of the National Party, as published in the Voice of the same date previously referred to, reads as follows:—
The National Party, recognizing God as the author of all just power in government, presents the following declaration of principles which it pledges itself to enact into effective legislation when given the power to do so:—
The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation, exportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating or compromising with this traffic, whether such plans be called local option, taxation, license, or public control. The sale of liquors for medicinal and other legitimate uses should be conducted by the State without profit and with such regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion.
No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of sex.
All money should be issued by the General Government only and without the intervention of any private citizen, corporation, or banking institution. It should be based upon the wealth, stability, and integrity of the nation. It should be a full, legal tender for all debts public and private, and should be of sufficient volume to meet the demands of the legitimate business interests of the country. For the purpose of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations we favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the ratio 16 to 1 without consulting any other nation.
The National Constitution should be so amended as to allow the national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of taxation on the properties and incomes of the people, and import duties should be levied as a means of securing equitable commercial relations with other nations.
The initiative and referendum and proportional representation should be adopted.
Having herein presented our principles and purposes we invite the coöperation and support of all citizens who are with us substantially agreed.
The original report on the Committee on Platform before the “bolt” made no mention of Sunday or of Sunday “laws.” The minority report, however, contained this:—
Eighth: All citizens should be protected in their right to one day’s rest without opposing anyone who conscientiously observes any other day than the first day of the week.
The minority report was, by vote of 492 to 310, made a part of the report of the Committee on Platform. But this Sunday plank does not appear in either platform, as published in the Voice.
Mr. G. H. Lyon, of Sistersville, W. Va., a member of the Convention, writes us, however, under date of June 3, that this plank was retained by the “bolters,” in which case it is a part of the platform of the National Party.
We have stated these facts without comment simply for the information of our readers, and shall discuss those planks of the two platforms bearing upon religious liberty, at another time.
A CLERGYMAN'S DAY.
[The Journal (New York), June 2, 1896.]
An idea of the present state of the evolution of the clergyman, from a mere adviser in spiritual matters to an active participant in the affairs of the world, is furnished by the following leaf from a chapter of the Rev. Dr. Parkhurst's daily life, published in yesterday's Evening Post.—
The Rev. Dr. Parkhurst, so it happened, had come down to the criminal courts to attend the trial of Roundsman Redner for bribery before Judge Newburger, a case in which the Society for the Prevention of Crime, of which Dr. Parkhurst is the president, figures as complainant. Instead of attending that trial, however, Dr. Parkhurst went into the Recorder's Court and witnessed the trial of Mrs. Fleming for murder. According to his own explanation the clergyman became so interested in this trial that he forgot all about the other and remained there until recess, when he and Recorder Goff went out to luncheon together. After that he went to witness the police parade, as a specially invited guest.
Perhaps if, as we are told, the pulpit is losing its influence, it is just as well that the clergy should find a field of usefulness outside of the church; and there is far more excitement, anyway, in prosecuting criminals, attending murder trials, lunching with judges, and reviewing police parades than in writing sermons, visiting the sick and merely warning sinners, as was the early notion of a clergyman's duties.
THE SCHOOL QUESTION IN CANADA.
[The Outlook.]
The campaign of the Canadian general elections is now in progress. Parliament has been dissolved, and polling takes place on June 23. The main issues are tariff reform and the Manitoba school question. The former involves either the retention or the overthrow of the present protection system; the latter, remedial legislation compelling Manitoba to restore the system of separate schools abolished by the legislature of that Province in 1890.
In regard to the latter issue, a recent restatement of opposing attitudes and intentions by the leaders on both sides has deepened the interest of the contest. The policy of the Conservative party, which favors remedial legislation, is now directed by the new Premier, Sir Charles Tupper, whose speeches on opening the campaign give no uncertain sound, and are without the faintest tinge of compromise. The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, the Liberal leader, advocates the appointment of a commission whose impartial investigation of facts may be expected to point a way out of the difficulty and facilitate the removal of the vexatious question from politics. Sir Charles Tupper insists vigorously that the question is really not one of separate schools so much as the carrying into effect of the provisions of the Constitution under which the educational rights of Roman Catholic minorities were guaranteed protection.
Mr. Laurier’s position is that, according to the judgment of the Imperial Privy Council in 1892, no educational right or privilege was taken away by the Manitoba Public Schools Act of 1890, and that the subsequent judgment of the same tribunal in 1895 did not touch that point, but gave the Dominion Government the right of interfering, if it should choose to do so, upon an appeal to it by the Catholic minority—the judgment not indicating any particular line of action, in fact not recommending any action at all. There was no necessity of bringing the question into Dominion politics, and it might have been referred back to Manitoba for settlement with quite as well founded a hope of peace and satisfaction as may be based on any threat of coercion.
A significant feature of the contest is the direct intervention of the Roman Church. Archbishop Langevin has been making vigorous efforts to influence the voters, and presumptively under his influence, a “Bishops’ Mandate,” signed by all the Roman Catholic bishops in the Province of Quebec, has been issued instructing Roman Catholics that it is their duty to vote for the Conservative government which is pledged to restore to the hierarchy their separate schools. It remains to be seen whether clerical interference like this will be effective.
Not long ago, in the county of Charlevoix,191in the same Province, a similar Episcopal interference was rebuked by the return of the Liberal candidate. In Ontario the Roman Catholic clergy have thus far given no sign of meddling with the civic rights and duties of their parishioners. There is greater probability of such interference in Nova Scotia, where a notable instance of some time ago caused much excited comment.
It should not be forgotten that, even should the verdict of the elections be in favor of remedial legislation (though this may be looked upon as improbable), new embarrassments would quickly succeed the old. For, independently of the question whether Manitoba ought to be coerced, there is another far more perplexing, namely, how can she be coerced? The Province controls the machinery of educational administration within her own limits. Can the Dominion, against the wish of the Province, effectually put that machinery in operation? Or can the Dominion set up its own administration of educational affairs in the Province and collect the funds for the support of separate schools? Greater than all legal or technical difficulties of interpretation or compromise is the paramount one of enforcing upon this strongly opposed Province a system of public education which has been found antiquated and unsatisfactory by a very large majority of the people.
A Valuable Review.
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FROM A MEMBER OF THE PROHIBITION CONVENTION.
By G. H. Lyon
Sistersville, W. Va., June 2, 1896.
EDITOR SENTINEL: The resolution respecting protection for the Sunday, adopted by the National Prohibition Convention last week, before the bolt, and which was retained by the bolters, evinced a drawing towards religious liberty more than ever before.
It evinces a preference to use the language of protection rather than compulsion. I objected to it, however, because it did not give assurance of equal protection. Also, in view of the general thought that protection involves compulsion to observe the day; that this was not clear of that imputation. I preferred the action of the other faction, to say nothing, rather than make a declaration that has lurking in it the possibility of a “civil sabbath.”
I made efforts to have the following amendment substituted:—
Every man should be protected equally in his right to one day of rest in seven, whichever day he holds; not by compulsory sabbath laws, but in freedom to worship God.
Several who favored this, thought that the other was about the same thing. The intense interest in the question that divided the convention held every one from giving that scrutiny to the matter of Sunday legislation that may be secured for it when free from such pressure.
The National Reform Association members are generally Prohibitionists. They are, however, a much smaller factor in the party than the friends of religious liberty have usually supposed. The utterances of the party voicing their views, have been made because of the organized persistent effort on their part, and default of effort on our part to thwart it. Wherever there has been a small protest from friends of religious liberty in Prohibition conventions, it has generally modified or wholly thwarted the efforts against us.
G. H. LYON.
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NOT satisfied with depriving J. W. Lewis of his liberty for exercising his God-given and constitutional right to labor on Sunday, the authorities of Lake County, Tenn., propose to require him to work. The County Court arranged to hire him out about a week since to a farmer. But Mr. Lewis told the sheriff that as soon as he passed into private hands he should consider himself free and act accordingly. The farmer thereupon declined to have anything to do with the matter, and the “criminal” was remanded to the custody of the sheriff. The chairman of the County Court remarked, however, that “this jail business must stop. When we have only one we cannot afford to hire a guard,” said he, “but when we have as many as two or three we will work them.”
Four of Mr. Lewis’ brethren are under indictment and will be tried July 13 or 14; it is therefore likely that Lake County will soon have a sufficient number of these dangerous criminals to form a chain-gang; and, by the way, they have been threatened with balls and chains. Lake County could learn a useful lesson from Rhea and Henry Counties, where Adventist chain-gangs were found to be both unprofitable and unpopular.
CALIFORNIA is a bad State for Sunday laws. In declaring the Sunday Barber Law unconstitutional, the Supreme Court of that State said:—
The laboring barber, engaged in a most respectable, useful and cleanly pursuit, is singled out from the thousands of his fellows in other employments and told that, willy-nilly, he shall not work upon holidays and Sundays after 12 o'clock noon. His wishes, tastes or necessities are not consulted. If he labors he is a criminal. Such protection to labor, carried a little further, would send him from the jail to the poor-house.
How comes it that the legislative eye was so keen to discern the needs of the oppressed barber, and yet was so blind to his toiling brethren in other vocations? Steam car and street-car operatives toil through long and weary Sunday hours, so do mill and factory hands. There is no Sunday period of rest and protection for the overworked employés of our daily papers. Do these not need rest and protection? The bare suggestion of these considerations shows the injustice and inequality of the law.
Commenting on this decision, the Daily Ledger of Tacoma, Wash., well says: “It is only demagogues, idlers, professional agitators and mischief-makers who talk of overwork and encourage the making of laws to make honest labor criminal.” The Ledger might have added misguided Sunday religionists to the list of those who ask for such legislation.
The address of G. H. Lyon, author of “The Only Alternative to Success,” noticed in these columns last week, is Sistersville, W. Va., instead of Virginia.
'THE “National Bureau of Reforms,” Mr. Crafts’ latest contribution to National Reform auxiliaries, has been incorporated. It is nothing more nor less than an incorporated National Reform lobby.
MR. ISAAC BAKER, another Seventh-day Adventist has been arrested at Ford's Store, Md. We have not heard the particulars. His offense was doubtless violation of the statute-intrenched Maryland “sabbath.”
