MRS. J. C. BATEHAM seems to well understand that their much-coveted Sunday law, when they get it, will amount to nothing in the way of securing a satisfactory observance of the day. She says:—
“If we get this law, and we must persevere till we do get it, it will be cause for devout thanksgiving; but we shall still find that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” and it will still rest with us individually, to so use the day as to obey God and the laws, and reap the fullest benefit from the day for ourselves and our families.”
That is it exactly. No one can be compelled by law to serve God, or to change his belief. Get all the Sunday laws you please, and it will still rest with each person “individually, to so use the day as to obey God and the laws.” The only important effects that the law can have are to make hypocrites, and to inaugurate religious persecution. All those who believe in keeping Sunday would keep it without any law,—if their belief was worth believing, they would even keep it in opposition to law. On the other hand, those who observe the day when they do not believe it is right, show by that very act that they are hypocrites; for any language or action which is contrary to moral conviction, is hypocrisy. A man may be a hypocrite to secure worldly applause, or he may do it to escape the penalty of the law. It is therefore certain that any person who is constrained by civil law to keep Sunday, is influenced by that law to be a hypocrite.
But what of those who adhere to their own convictions of duty, regardless of the civil power, and refuse to be made hypocrites by law? Only one thing can be done,—the State must inflict the penalty, just as it did upon Daniel and upon his companions. But to inflict temporal punishments upon any person for non-conformity to a religious institution, is persecution. Sunday is a religious institution, else it would not be proper to talk about its religious observance. Therefore, the enforcement of a Sunday law is religious persecution.213
Such are the invariable uses of a Sunday law, if it is used at all. And these conclusions are not based upon theory alone, but upon actual experience.
This is the kind of a law of which Mrs. Bateham says, “we must persevere till we do get it,” and which to her “will be cause for devout thanksgiving.” A similar strain of enthusiasm and “devout thanksgiving” appeared a few months ago in the Catholic Banner, the organ of the Papacy in Barcelona, Spain. It said:—
“Thank God, we at last have turned towards the times when those who propagated heretical doctrines were punished with exemplary punishment. The re-establishment of the Holy Tribunal of the Inquisition must soon take place. Its reign will be more glorious and fruitful in results than in the past. Our Catholic heart overflows with faith and enthusiasm; and the immense joy we experience as we begin to reap the fruit of our present campaign exceeds all imagination. What a day of pleasure will that be for us when we see anti-clericals writhing in the flames of the Inquisition!”
When we remember the cruel persecutions which have already occurred in some States of this Union by the simple enforcement of strict Sunday laws; when we remember that the majority of the so-called Protestant ministers and their followers in those States experienced such “immense joy” in these persecutions that they almost unanimously remonstrated against the repeal of the laws; and when we remember that these same so-called Protestants are working with might and main to make such persecution general all over this country, looking forward to the time as a “cause for devout thanksgiving,” we confess our inability to discover any very great difference between the Protestant heart of America and the Catholic heart of Spain.
A. DELOS WESTCOTT.
Their Own Definition.
By W. N. GLENN
EVERY prominent advocate of a religious amendment to the Constitution disclaims any desire to bring about a union of Church and State. They scout the idea that the establishment of the Christian religion by legal enactment would constitute such a union, and insist that such a result could only be accomplished by the legal adoption of some one denominational creed as the religion of the Nation. But even their own definition will sustain the assertion that the National Reform movement is a Church and State enterprise. They shrink from the name, because of its unpopularity, but not from the principle.
Let us test the project, and the ultimate design of the originators by the construction of the term Church and State usually insisted upon by their adherents. The National Reform Association is the creature of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, and the association was organized for the express purpose of securing a recognition of the principles of that denomination in the Constitution of the United States. True, their plea is for “all Christian laws and usages,” but that expression had in view the broader purpose of securing the assistance of other denominations; and the ruse is proving quite successful.
The leading organ of the denomination in question is a publication entitled the Reformed Presbyterian, and as long ago as 1870, through the medium of its columns, Rev. James Wallace set forth the aim of the pioneers of National Reform in the following unmistakable language:—
“This important truth of the Lordship of Jesus Christ over the nations, was attained by our reformed and martyred fathers in Scotland, . . . and has been transmitted down to us sealed with their blood, and is the precious and peculiar inheritance of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, and distinguishes her from all the other evangelical churches in this and other lands. No other church professes to maintain this great principle in its practical applications.
“The distinctive principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church are the principles, and the only principles, of National Reform.
“The proposed Amendment of the Federal Constitution is an acknowledgement by the Government that God is the author and source of all authority and power in civil government; that the Lord Jesus Christ is the ruler of nations, and that his revealed will contained in the Bible is the supreme law of nations. Now the Association for National Reform proposes to have these distinctive principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church adopted into the Constitution of the United States, and annulling any parts of that Constitution that may be inconsistent with these principles. The adoption of this amendment into the Constitution would be the Government doing . . . the highest honor to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the greatest benefit to our church.
“The principles of National Reform are our principles, and its work is our work. National Reform is simply the practical application of the principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church for the reformation of the nation.”
These statements are confirmed by Rev. J. R. W. Sloane’s account of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, in the “Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia,” in which he says:—
“The more special and distinctive principle of this church, the one in which she differs from all others, is her practical protest against the secular character of the United States Constitution. Holding to the universal headship of Christ, and that civil government is a divine ordinance, and one of the ‘all things’ put under him as the mediatorial ruler of the universe, and that to him the allegiance of all nations is due, Reformed Presbyterians refuse close incorporation with any government which does not in some form recognize these principles, and give them effective expression in its legislation. On examination of the United States Constitution, that remarkable document is found to contain no recognition of God as the source of all legitimate civil authority, nor of his law as supreme above all human laws, nor of his Son as governor among the nations. . . . The Constitution does not recognize the Bible, the Christian sabbath, Christian morality, Christian qualifications for civil officials, and gives no legal basis for any Christian feature in the administration of Government.
. . . They take the deepest interest in that reform movement which has for its object the amendment of the United States Constitution in those particulars in which they consider it defective. Indeed, they feel specially called to aid in its success, at whatever cost or personal sacrifice.”
The Reformed Presbyterian Synod of 1886, in its report on National Reform, said: “It is ours to hold up the ideals of God which have originated the National Reform cause.” And the Synod of 1885 said of National Reform, that “This is the tap-root of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.”
Although the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union has espoused the National Reform cause, and the Prohibition party is fast becoming its ally, there is no change of the original purpose. Although the American Sabbath Union—embracing nearly every denomination and various other elements, including “Christians and infidels, saints and sinners”—has been added to the army, there is still no perceptible change of principles. The recent quarter-centennial of the National Reform Association reckoned all the progress of the combined forces as so much gain for the cause of National Reform.
With all the auxiliaries that have been added to the original force, there has been nothing to indicate that the National Reform of to-day is in anything different from the National Reform of twenty years ago, when it was acknowledged to be “simply the practical application of the principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.” Then the proof is clear, that no matter how many Christian denominations, or how many secular societies, or how many political parties may ally themselves to this movement, its success will be the placing in the Constitution, to be enforced by the Government, “the distinctive principles of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.” And that, according to the definition insisted upon by those leaders who most emphatically deny such desire, will be to establish a Church and State Government.
W. N. GLENN.
Putting Themselves on Record.
We published some two weeks since a contributed article which contained some account of the Minnesota Mass Convention of friends of the “Christian Sabbath,” held in Minneapolis June 10, 11, 1889, but we again give some of the facts for the sake of additional comment.
In the third session of the Convention, Tuesday afternoon, June 11, the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization was submitted. The first article of their report for a constitution reads as follows:—
“The object of this Association shall be to preserve the Christian Sabbath, or Lord’s day, as a day of rest and worship.”
They reported that the Association should be called the “Minnesota Sabbath Association,” auxiliary to the “American Sabbath Union.” The other articles of the report were the same as those adopted in similar conventions. After it had been read it was moved that it be adopted as read. This was seconded. The chairman then said:—
“It is moved and seconded that the constitution as submitted be adopted. Are you ready for the question?”
Elder R. C. Porter then addressed the chairman, saying that he would like to offer an amendment to the first article of the constitution, as follows:—
“The object of this Association shall be to preserve the Sabbath as a day of rest and worship; but in securing this object only education, moral influence, and persuasion shall be employed, and the religious rights of all shall be guarded against compulsory laws.”
Dr. W. F. Crafts—“I would like to know what denomination this brother represents.”
Elder Porter—“The Seventh-day Adventists.”
Dr. Crafts—(excitedly) “Yes; well, this convention is called as a State Convention of those who represent the Christian sabbath; and it is not in any sense for those who represent the Saturday Sabbath. They have no natural rights in a convention of this kind except as listeners and reporters.”
The chairman sustained the objection, and the report of the committee was adopted.
From these facts we can see very plainly the spirit of the American Sabbath Union. We have nothing to say as to the propriety of the presentation of the resolution, or the refusal of the convention to listen to one who was not in full sympathy with them; but the point to which we wish to call especial attention is, that the leaders of the convention utterly refused to recognize the principle presented in the resolution. By this they have placed themselves on record as in favor of compulsory laws, which shall contravene the religious rights of the people; and they have shown that morality is not the object of their214work. They have shown this in that they refused to confine themselves to moral influences in their work, and morality can be advanced only by moral laws. But the moral law is the law of God, and moral laws can be enforced only by the moral governor, that is, God himself. All that men have to do in the line of the moral law is to persuade men to keep it.
The refusal of the American Sabbath Union, which was represented at Minneapolis, to use only moral means in their work, stamps their movement as not a Christian work. They are not working to advance the gospel, but simply to compel men by force and arms to conform to their ideas. It matters not by what name they call themselves, they certainly have no right to the name “Christian” so far as their efforts to secure Sunday laws is concerned.
The Sabbath Union and its Work.
The Cuyahoga County Sabbath Convention was held at Music Hall, Friday morning, under the auspices of the American Sabbath Union. What a nice, smooth-sounding name that is, to be sure! “American Sabbath Union!” How it lulls the people to sleep with a sense of perfect security; for surely these exceptionally nice people who compose the “American Sabbath Union” can do nothing which the average American citizen dare criticise! And yet nothing more forcibly illustrates the dire necessity of patriotic instruction in the school-room, from the lecture platform, and from that most influential of all public teachers, the independent, fearless, and honest newspapers of the country.
The Cuyahoga County Sabbath Convention is one of the most thoroughly un-American gatherings, both in point of purpose and sentiments expressed, that has ever taken place in this city. The object of the convention, plainly and simply stated, is to compel the citizens of Cleveland, the State of Ohio, and the United States of America, to observe the Sabbath, commonly called Sunday, according to the dictates and rules laid down by the American Sabbath Union. Of course the Constitution of the United States plainly provides that Church and State shall be forever kept separate, but the Sabbath Union does not ask for a union of Church and State. Oh, no! It simply demands of the National Government that it enforce upon the people the strict observance of a National Christian Sabbath.
The whole spirit of the convention may be summed up in the expression of Judge Dickey, who in a fine (?) burst of eloquence expressed the ridiculous and insolent sentiment that if people who emigrate to this country do not conform to the “American Sabbath,” they should be refused admittance. According to this patriotic idea the observance of the “American Sabbath,” as provided by the rules laid down by the American Sabbath Union, is the chief qualification of American citizenship. The American Union wishes to be distinctly understood on this question. It denies that there is or ever has been such an institution as an American Sabbath.
The Sabbath and all religions are prominent in the Constitution of the United States only by their entire absence. The Christian Sabbath has absolutely no authority whatever to bind the conscience of an American citizen. The Constitution guarantees perfect religious liberty and equality before the law of all its citizens. That the rights of citizens in this respect are so often infringed upon, and sometimes openly denied, is simply because they have allowed such religious organizations as the “American Sabbath Union” to influence legislation, with hardly a protest. If the people want their rights they must assert them. Unless they do this, and promptly, they will awake some fine morning to find themselves bound hand and foot with religious fetters as galling as ever caused our fathers to flee from their native land and found a new world, a Constitution and Government having for its watchword the perfect and absolute religious liberty of the individual, and the everlasting separation of Church and State!
The population of this country is made up of “every nation under the whole heaven,” and each one has a right to enjoy his own religion without asking permission of prophet, priest, or king, or even a majority of his neighbors. The fact that the Christians are more numerous does not give them license to trample on the rights guaranteed the citizen by the Constitution, nor authority to force the people into religious observances at the dictation of the American Sabbath Union or any other religious organization.—American Union, Cleveland, O.
A Timely Warning.
While so many of the ministers of the various churches are using voice and pen to further the interests of National Reform, it is refreshing to find occasionally one who has the independence to denounce the attempt which is being made to unite Church and State, and the manhood to declare for religious liberty as at present guaranteed in our National Constitution. Rev. Mr. Mitchelmore, of Central City, Nebraska, is one of the few ministers who do not believe in the Blair bills, nor indeed in any such legislation. In a discourse preached Sunday, June 23, and published in the Merrick County Republic of June 28, this gentleman took for his text Ex. 20:8, “Remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy,” and, after remarking that the Sabbath was made for man and that the man who does not rest one day each week suffers loss, he said:—
“My religion is made up of the ten commandments. Upon the first four there can never be any human legislation. I am responsible to God alone for the observance of these. And so I say as a Christian, as a citizen, as an American, you must not touch these. There can never properly be any union of Church and State; it is an unholy and unnatural alliance. If you will look back in American history you will see our forefathers leaving the mother country because of this very unholy alliance.
“Bunyan, you will remember, lay for twelve years in Bedford jail because he preached differently than the tenets of the Church of England required and because he would not give money to its support.
“So I might cite numerous examples. I know it is claimed that our forefathers persecuted others when they got to this country, but in this connection I believe they have been too harshly criticised. Alas! when they got here they found the same power ready to persecute that they were fleeing from. And they were persecuted and persecuted, and I want to say that the same spirit of intolerance is not dead. It exists to-day and only wants an excuse—the law to back it—to cause as much suffering as in the dark days of the past.
“I can cite you a case that occurred in the State of Arkansas in the year 1887, where a young man was thrown into jail for worshipping God, according to the dictates of his conscience, on Saturday. While he languished in confinement his wife and child died and his little property wasted. His suffering was none the less terrible because it occurred in this enlightened day and age. I could refer you, alas, to other similar cases, but I forbear. It shows you that old intolerance is not dead. As a further evidence of this there are a class of people trying to enact a Sunday law in free America, and if they succeed in doing so you need have no doubts but that they will enforce it. And the bill which is now before Congress, and to which I am opposed, always was opposed and always will be opposed, is called the Blair bill.
“I cannot begin to do this subject justice in the time allotted to me this morning. The Saviour said, ‘My kingdom is not of this world, else my servants would fight.’ It is apparent that the people who are pushing this bill through so quietly, so religiously, are not of his kingdom. See to it that the time never comes when there is a union of Church and State in this country. Fight against it not only yourselves, but teach your children to loathe and war against this monster evil which has filled the past with woe and tears.”
Such warnings are none too frequent, nor have they begun to come too soon. The danger is a grave one, and everyone who loves liberty and true Christianity should help to sound the alarm.
The Danger Not Passed.
THOSE who imagine that the danger of a Sunday law is passed for the present, simply because the Blair bill is dead, should read both the secular and religious newspapers published throughout the length and breadth of the land. This question is being more widely discussed than ever. People everywhere are taking sides, some for and some against Sunday legislation, and for various reasons the tide seems to be running in favor of some such measure as the Blair bill.
With a great majority this is not a matter of conscience but a matter of policy. It is asserted that the railroads are favoring the cessation of Sunday work because they find that they can do all their business in six days and do it at less expense than they can by running on Sunday. It is also urged that other branches of business can also effect a saving in this way. Of course this argument, if true, will prove potent, not only with railroads but with many in other kinds of business, and when one man makes up his mind to rest on Sunday it is only human nature that he should want others to rest likewise, for they are not willing that others should conduct business upon days when they are not engaged in it; hence the outlook is not only for Sunday laws, but for exceedingly stringent Sunday laws. It follows that the work of warning the people against the schemes of the National Reformers must be done quickly.—Signs of the Times.
Blair Sunday-Rest Bill’s Religious Purpose
According to the Christian Statesman of July 4, “one chief purpose of the Blair Sunday-Rest bill is to set the Government itself, in its Post-office Department and at other points, in a right attitude toward the Sabbath?” Ah! we thought—no, we did not think, but it has been very persistently claimed, that the main object of the bill was to give the men employed in inter-state commerce and in the mail service a weekly day of rest for their health. The Statesman is neither as wise as a serpent nor as harmless as a dove, for it is trying to secure religious legislation and has not the wisdom to disguise the fact. The American Sabbath Union is working for the same thing, but tries to conceal its real purpose, and proposes to give the people a sort of a religious pill so sugar-coated with “civil sabbath” arguments that they won’t know what they are taking till they have swallowed it.
Government Persecution in the Name of God
AMONG all the religious persecutions with which almost every page of modern history is stained, no victim ever suffered but for the violation of what Government denominated the law of God.—U. S. Senate Report, 1829.
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