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The American Sentinel, Vol. 5, No. 40

The State Is of the People.
Earlier text: The State Is of the People.

Very Apparent.

WORKING people in France are now entitled to rest one day in seven. But inasmuch as the Legislature declined to designate Sunday as the legally appointed rest-day, the law is not satisfactory to ultra Sunday-law advocates. It is indeed probable that the result of the law will be less Sunday labor, and that that will be the day generally selected by employees, but that which is really desired by the Sunday people is not only Sunday rest from labor, but governmental recognition of Sunday sacredness. Commenting upon the French law, the Christian Advocate, of this city, says:—
Some of the nations of Europe have long tried the experiment of ignoring the divinely established law of a seventh-day's rest, and have found the results unsatisfactory. Gradually but surely steps are being taken toward restoring the Sabbath to its place among the national institutions of government on the Continent. What folly it would be for us to rush into the same error which is now being abandoned by other countries after sufficient trial. Yet this is the tendency in America. No nation can defy or ignore the law of God and escape disastrous results. "God is not mocked."
The inconsistency in this is apparent when we come to consider that if the divine law means simply "a seventh-day's rest," the French law meets it fully; and if it means a definite seventh day, as the Jews, and not a few Christians hold, it does not help the matter in the least, for Sunday is not the seventh day, but the first. As before remarked, they want laws which will recognize Sunday as the Sabbath, and they will be satisfied with nothing less.

“Songs of Freedom.”

By J. O. CORLISS

PREMIUM POEMS

IN the interest of the Religious Liberty work a collection of songs is being prepared under the above title, to be issued in December, 1890. The collection will comprise songs on four divisions of the subject, covering in sentiment the motto, “for God, for home, and native land,” as follows:—
1. “For God.”—Songs setting forth the moral rights of citizens to freedom of action, either to worship or not to worship, referring to Bible examples of subjection but non-obedience to “the powers that be.”
2. “For Home.”—Songs of a pathetic nature, relating to the social phase of the question, introducing recent prison experiences in the South, drawing on the sufferings of the Dark Ages, and alluding to the probable future if Church and State are again united.
3. “For native Land.”—Patriotic songs in praise of our country’s liberal Constitution, the freedom of the past, the honors of the present, and loyal wishes for its future.
4. Songs which will arraign the arguments of the so-called National Reformers, showing in a kind but pointed manner that they are inconsistent, contrary to the Bible, subversive of liberty, and fatal to the home.

A $20 PREMIUM

Is hereby offered for four best poems,—one on each of the above topics; $15 for the best poem on any three of them; $10 for the best poem on any two; and $5 for the best of any one of the four topics.
In length the poem must not exceed five 4-line, or four 8-line stanzas, chorus added, and must be forwarded to the National Religious Liberty Association, Battle Creek, Michigan, before November 10, 1890.
A competent committee appointed by the National Religious Liberty Association, will judge the poems, all of which shall have been previously copied in the handwriting of one person, who shall not be a member of the examining committee, and who shall be the only person knowing the origin of the poems.
All poems sent in, as far as suitable, will be set to music, as well as those taking the premium, and will appear in the forthcoming collection, “Songs of Freedom.”
The Association also requests that anything already in print on these subjects, either with or without music, be forwarded for use in the collection, provided it has merit.
J. O. CORLISS, Cor. Sec. N. R. L. A.

Laboring Men and the World's Fair.

NEARLY every church society, and the Prohibitionists, have petitioned the management of the Columbian Exposition not to open their gates on the Sabbath day.
Miss Frances E. Willard has been interviewed concerning the Columbian Exposition. As she may be assumed to speak for a considerable body of her sex her opinions are of some importance. Miss Willard's views cover a large scope. She says the Woman's Christian Temperance Union will oppose, in the interest “of workingmen as well as of Christians,” the opening of the Exposition, Sundays.
It is more singular, however, that the temperance ladies should undertake the cruel and oppressive business of closing the Exposition, Sundays. Miss Willard's classification of workingmen and Christians into mutually exclusive groups seems somewhat fantastic, yet may be erroneous; but in the interest of neither can the Exposition be closed Sundays. There are Christians, of course, whose easy position in life will make it agreeable for them to visit the Exposition mornings of the week days. In the Paris Exposition a double admission fee was charged between 8 and 10 in the morning, so as to enable persons desirous of avoiding crowds to have a comfortable time within the buildings and grounds. Avoiding crowds means, under such circumstances, avoiding contact with common people. It might be a good idea for the directors to charge double admission week mornings during the corresponding hours. Then Christians who abhor attendance Sundays might go, and not come in contact with working men and their families.
Employers will not give holidays with pay. The great majority of women cannot afford to lose a day's pay. Their wage is a pittance. Will the women of the Temperance Union undertake to make up their loss if they take a day off now and then without pay? Will the employers of these women, many of whom are contract manufacturers for wholesale houses, be amiable about giving them days off?—Lincoln (Neb.) News.

NATIONAL RELIGIOUS LIBERTY ASSOCIATION.

DECLARATION of PRINCIPLES.

We believe in the religion taught by Jesus Christ.
We believe in temperance, and regard the liquor traffic as a curse to society.
We believe in supporting the civil government, and submitting to its authority.
We deny the right of any civil government to legislate on religious questions.
We believe it is the right, and should be the privilege, of every man to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience.
We also believe it to be our duty to use every lawful and honorable means to prevent religious legislation by the civil government; that we and our fellow-citizens may enjoy the inestimable blessings of both religious and civil liberty.

OFFICES.

43 Bond Street, New York City;
225 A St., N. E., Washington; 28 College Place, Chicago.
C. Eldridge — President.
W. H. McKee — Secretary.

Compulsory School Laws.

By W. A. Colcord

The editor of the Loyal American of Chicago, attempts to criticise THE AMERICAN SENTINEL'S position on the compulsory school law of Wisconsin, which requires that all children between stated ages shall study certain branches in the English language for a given number of weeks each year. It says:—
The State exercising the right of self-preservation can provide to insure homogeneity among its citizens; to do this, it must provide by law that all who are to be voters must learn English in public or private schools.
There is a fatal mistake couched in this. The State has a right to say who may be its citizens, and to make certain tests of citizenship. Likewise it has a right to say who may vote, and to make certain tests to the exercise of franchise. But it has no right to compel any one to meet these tests whether he becomes a citizen or not, or whether he votes or not. Here is where the theory, upon which compulsory school laws are urged, is wrong. It assumes that the State has a right to require all within its jurisdiction to be educated for citizenship, whether they exercise the functions of citizenship or not. This is manifestly wrong. If, from the nature and genius of our Government, a knowledge of the English is indispensable to the proper exercise of the right of franchise, let it be made a test of franchise. Then those who do not meet the requirement cannot vote. This of itself would be an incentive to the learning of the language. But the State has no more right to compel its residents to be educated so that they may vote intelligently, than it has to compel them to vote after they have become thus educated. It may, by establishing free schools, encourage education; but in the very nature of free government it cannot, of right, force any one to avail himself of the privileges thus offered. No State has a right to force its citizens to learn a single letter of any alphabet in the world. When a State to protect itself employs measures which trample on human rights, there must be something wrong with its means of protection. This it certainly does when it forces them to exercise any of their rights or privileges.
W. A. COLCORD.
To follow foolish precedents, and wink With both our eyes, is easier than to think. Cowper.

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The National Sunday Law

This Pamphlet Contains the Arguments in Behalf of the Rights of American Citizens, and in Opposition to the Blair Sunday-Rest Bill, which Mr. Jones Presented Before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, December 13, 1888.
Mr. Crafts has pronounced the report as published

“Mighty Interesting Reading.”

And Mr. Jones' comments make it more so. His argument is enlarged to what it would have been without Senator Blair's interruptions, objections, and counter-arguments, and is accompanied with answers to all of his objections and counter-arguments. As the Sunday question is now a living issue, this treatise will be interesting to all classes, especially Legislators, lawyers, judges, and other public men. The argument is based on Scripture and history, constitution and law, showing the limits of the civil power, the unconstitutionality of the Sunday bill, an analysis of the Sunday laws and other religious legislation of the different States, the

Sunday-Law Movement of the Fourth Century,

AND THE

Sunday-Law Movement of the Nineteenth Century.

The Methods Used in Securing Indorsements to the Petition for the Blair Bill, and the Workings of Such Sunday Laws as are Proposed for the United States.
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CIVIL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION

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Scriptural, Logical, Plain, and Forcible.

This Important Work Shows Clearly the Relation That Should Exist Between Church and State at the Present Time, as Proven by the Bible and History of the Past Twenty-five Centuries.
Chap. I outlines vividly the relation that existed between “Christianity and the Roman Empire.” Chap. II distinguishes between “What is due to God and what to Caesar.”
Chap. III shows for what purpose the “Powers that Be” are ordained.
Chap. IV ably discusses “The Religious Attack upon the United States Constitution, and Those Who Are Making it.”
Chap. V unmasks “Religious Legislation,” calling special attention to the Blair Sunday Bill now pending in Congress.
Chap. VI is devoted to the “Sunday-Law Movement in the Fourth Century, and its Parallel in the Nineteenth.”
Chap. VII shows The Workings of Sunday Laws when they are enforced.
These chapters, with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States which are printed in Appendices C and D, make this treatise INDISPENSABLE TO EVERY LOVER OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

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