Earlier text: The Secular Theory of EducationSunday and Sunday Newspapers.
As referred to elsewhere in these columns, the question of Sunday newspapers is agitating the minds of some of the good people of Sacramento, this State, and the editor of one of the dailies of that city has felt called upon to explain at some length his position in the premises. We quote as follows from the Record-Union of May 8:— “The Woodland Democrat quotes in full an editorial note of the Record-Union, concerning the manifest antagonism of public sentiment to the Sunday hoodlum picnic, and the growing disposition to secure for the one day in seven more of consideration as a day when boisterous amusements, carousal, and rowdyism ought to cease. In that article we also said that the sentiment referred to was not opposed to rational use of the day, as good taste, the demand for change, and the necessities of rest and recuperation, require, even when these are manifest by indulgence in reasonable amusements. Upon such expression our contemporary thus comments:— “The above is from the Record-Union, and right beside this friendly sympathy with the sentiment against Sabbath desecration is a blazing advertisement stating that the Record-Union, in order to be ‘abreast with the times,’ will issue a regular Sunday edition. This is not a youthful ebullition, but the determination of a respectable, staid, elderly journal. How does it seem as to consistency?” “We are amazed that so old a journalist as the editor and proprietor of the Democrat should have committed himself to the confession of such rank ignorance. The intelligence bounded by a comprehension that cannot distinguish between rowdy picnics, boisterous amusements, and drunken routs, and the sober and educating vocation of issuing a clean newspaper for reading by the people on Sunday, or any other day, is really unworthy of consideration. But since our contemporary asks how the expression quoted from the Record-Union, and its announcement of the Sunday Union, can be reconciled, we are disposed to reply, since it will reach a few other hide-bound people who strain at a gnat and swallow a camel in disapproving of a newspaper that is compiled, originated, composed and made ready for the press on Saturday, but who do not even entertain the suggestion of gagging over a newspaper that is the product of Sunday work entirely,149 in order that the editor of the Democrat, in common with the rest of the community, may enjoy coffee and the record of the news of the world on Monday morning.” “There is no question of consistency involved in the case of the Record-Union; it has published a Monday edition, the product of Sunday labor, for more than a third of a century. That it now proposes to publish a newspaper dated on Sunday, but the product of Saturday labor, in no wise changes its relation to the public or to the Sunday question, and the decent observance of that day. If all the world does no more to offend the Sunday sentiment than this journal, neither clergy nor laymen need entertain any fear of desecration of the day. We recall a time when the Democrat was composed, printed, and issued on Sunday—it being an evening paper—and its proprietor and editor held that he was serving God and man thereby. The Woodland community will bear us out that his religious convictions and profound regard for things holy were as deep and sincere as those of his successor, who now takes the Record-Union to task, but, unlike his predecessor, holds the first instead of the seventh day holy. We have no patience with the bigotry and shortsightedness that exclaims against the clean, helpful, and knowledge-disseminating newspaper dated on Sunday, but that has a stomach for the all-around newspaper that is wholly worked up on Sunday and simply dated on Monday.” “The Record-Union yields to none in its regard for the sentiments of the Christian world, and in sincerity has labored diligently through the medium of these columns to afford its priest and apostles a wider hearing than their pulpit insures, and has labored on Sunday to that end. It has not come to our knowledge that any of these worthy people, whose profession, like that of the journalist, is the betterment of mankind, have ever objected to the industry of the press that makes the newspaper a vehicle for carrying to the world the voice of the pulpit, even though that industry involves labor on Sunday.” What the Record-Union says about the work on a Sunday paper is true, as every newspaper man can testify, as is also what is said of the work on a Monday-morning paper; if either ought to be discontinued because of Sunday work, certainly it should be the Monday paper. But that is not where the shoe pinches; the trouble is, as many ministers have been candid enough to state, that people read the newspapers instead of going to church; the papers are, in short, the competitors of the preachers, and the latter want a monopoly of instructing the people on that day. Were it not for this fact, the outcry, if there were any, would be against the Monday paper. A Timely Utterance.
By Edwin R. Palmer
THE following letter, dated Burlington, Vermont, May 1, speaks for itself:— EDITORS AMERICAN SENTINEL: Yesterday I had the privilege of listening to an eloquent address delivered in this city by M. H. Buckham, D. D., president of the State University at Burlington. His address clearly showed that there are still great and true hearts in old Vermont, that beat in unison with the noble principles of our fathers who framed our National Constitution. The Burlington Daily Free Press favors us with a copy of the address, from which I have taken the liberty to clip a paragraph to you, thinking that you might wish to insert it in the SENTINEL. “We recognize also God’s good hand upon us in the Constitution which for the century past has been the law of our national life. The world may be challenged to point to a public document which gives better evidence that its framers were inspired and guided by a wisdom beyond their own. It would have better suited a few literalists if the divine name had been inserted somewhere, anywhere, if so be that in some conventional and perfunctory way the divine being might have had due recognition. But as God is in nature in its abounding vitality, in its exquisite beauty and perfect harmony, a thousand times more impressively than if his name had been spelled out in the rock and bellowed out in the thunder, so God is in the Constitution in that reticent reverence which does not parade his titles in set phrase, but does put his love of justice and of mercy, his care for the rights of the weak and the duties of the strong, into every article and section and clause of it. Most significant to us in the retrospect of it is the fact that slavery in those days of its power could get no direct recognition in the Constitution, but that in this august presence it stands a marked and guilty thing, ashamed of its own nature. Significant also in face of the history of State religions is the provision that ‘there shall be no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,’ and that ‘no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.’ Thus did our fathers render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar’s and to God the things that are God’s. Thus has religion in America escaped the ‘fatal donation of Constantine,’ and thus has the word of God had free course and been glorified.”
In this State there is much interest in National Reform questions. Mr. Buckham is one of the first men in this State. That Petition Again.
By Ellet Joseph Waggoner
Since the AMERICAN SENTINEL has shown up so fully the crooked methods by which the Woman’s Christian Temperance and American Sabbath Unions have added signatures to their Sunday petitions, the leaders of these organizations have found it necessary to do something to divert public attention from their course, and, not being able to offer any excuse for the dishonest methods, they have had no alternative but to try to make it appear that the signatures to the protest were not obtained in a legitimate manner. Of course this does not help their cause any, for even if all the signatures to the protest were fraudulent, that would not make their duplicity any the less; but the charge which they bring serves in a measure to divert attention from themselves. Their charge is: First, that the petition was signed only by Adventists. Second, that those who signed it who were not Adventists did so because they did not understand what they were doing. Third, that all besides Adventists who signed it were saloon keepers, who naturally disliked the idea of a Sunday law. It needs nothing more than this statement of the charges which they make, to show to what straits they are driven to make it appear that they alone are not guilty of fraud; for one part of their charge contradicts every other part. That the petition was not signed by Adventists exclusively is shown by the fact that, according to the Seventh-day Adventist Year Book, there are only 26,000 members of that denomination in the United States; whereas, there were 230,000 signatures to the petition that was presented in the Senate last winter, and as many more have been obtained since. These are not “representative” signatures either. Anyone who wishes to do so can verify the fact that there are 230,000 distinct signatures in the petition that was presented to Congress. We have, however, just received a letter from a gentleman in Woodbury, N. J., a stranger to us, which covers every point of the charge which the Sunday-law people bring against those who circulated the protest. It is so concise a statement that we present it in full. It was entirely unsolicited by us, and was called out by the statements of the Western Christian Union, which were quoted in the article, “Is This the Breath of the Puritan?” in the SENTINEL of April 10. Referring to the statement that the canvassers for signatures to the protest had adopted the practice of “button-holing unsuspecting citizens in railroad waiting-rooms and street corners, not a few of whom were unfamiliar with the question,” the writer says:— “Gentlemen, I am not an Adventist; neither am I ignorant of this great question now claiming the attention of so many people of this Union. I was one of several who signed this petition against the Blair bill. I was not asked to sign this until the gentleman who circulated it was fully satisfied that I knew just what I was signing. This paper was headed by the pastor of the M. E. Church of this city; next came that of my own pastor, of the Baptist Church, followed by the signatures of several of the prominent men of our city, whose signatures I recognized. I have in my possession a petition upon which I expect to receive a number of names of Christians. All of them will know why they sign it. I do not wish to weary you, but I want to say to you that I am sorry to see those of my own faith persecuting those Christians against whom they can bring no greater charge than that they insist upon having the liberty which God has given every man, and which our National Constitution guarantees. God speed you in this work. I remain, etc.”
This simple statement meets every point of the charge which they bring against us; and coupled with the fact that every point of their charge contradicts every other point, it certainly ought to put a stop to their attempt at misrepresentation; but it will not. Having started on a career of misrepresentation, and being determined to have a Sunday law, which cannot be secured by fair means, they must necessarily pursue their course to the end. Our desire is to save as many as possible from coming to that end, which will not be simply the securing of a national Sunday law. Exemption Clauses in Sunday Laws.
By Ellet Joseph Waggoner
The Christian Oracle of April 25 contains an article from a fair-minded correspondent, upon “License and Sunday Laws.” In it he makes the following reference to one who had previously written to the same paper:— “He says that if the Blair bill should pass, and a strict Sunday law be passed, Adventists could obey the law without any violation of their religious principles. True; but if you forbid them doing any manual labor on that day you rob them of one-sixth of their power to earn a living for their families—or at $2.00 per day it would amount to $104 annually. Without their consent, is that American liberty? Suppose you rest on Sunday, and we pass a law to prohibit you from working Mondays; how would that suit you? Brethren, we don’t want a Sunday law unless it has a proviso that those who conscientiously keep the Sabbath shall not be prohibited from performing their usual occupation on Sunday. The Constitution is good enough as it is.” The writer of the above evidently believes in equal and exact justice to all; but he has not given the Sunday question sufficient thought, or he would know that there can never be any justice in connection with a Sunday law. In the150 first place, a seventh-day Christian could not obey a Sunday law without violating his conscience. It is not necessary, however, to dwell upon this, since the writer would not have such compelled to rest on Sunday, because, as he rightly says, such compulsion would be robbery. But those who have given much thought to the subject, whether friends or foes of Sunday legislation, know that no law can long be enforced with exceptions. We say that it is utterly impossible to enforce a Sunday law that makes an exemption in favor of those who observe the seventh day. Such a thing never has been done, and never will be done. True, there are Sunday laws which exempt observers of the seventh day; but those laws are never enforced. They remain upon the statute books as dead letters. When the time comes that enough people get in earnest to have them enforced, they secure the repeal of the exemption clause. Then they can enforce the law, and not before. Take the case of Arkansas as an example. It had for a long time a Sunday law which made an exemption in favor of seventh-day people. But that law was not enforced. No attempt was made to enforce it. Finally some unco guid people concluded that the law ought to be enforced. But they could not enforce it as it was. Why?—Because there was really nothing to enforce. The exemption in favor of seventh-day observers deprived the law of all its force. So they pleaded for the repeal of that exemption section, so that no non-religious person could evade the law by professing to be an observer of the seventh day. There is no evidence that any person had ever done so; but the Sunday-law people saw plainly that that could easily be done, and that to attempt to enforce a Sunday law with an exemption section, would be like trying to trap a fox with two holes to his den. So they stopped up all chance of escape, by securing the repeal of that obnoxious section. Then the law was enforced for the first time in its existence. And right vigorously was it enforced too. Then the saloon keepers had to suffer, didn’t they? Not much. They sold whisky as openly as ever, and were not even indicted therefor. It was enforced against those who had rested on Saturday, and against no others. The National Reformers of Arkansas seemed to feel a special interest in the physical welfare of the Seventh-day Adventists and the Seventh-day Baptists, for they sought to compel them to rest after they had already rested, while others were left free not to rest at all. This prosecution went on until public indignation demanded that simple toleration, if not justice, should be granted to those observers of the seventh day, all of whom were good citizens. So a bill was introduced and passed, which granted to conscientious observers of the seventh day immunity from the pains and penalties of the Sunday law. The result was that the prosecution ceased. No attempt has been made since to enforce the law. Surely this is far more than merely suggestive. Now a National Sunday law is desired. Its advocates make a great show of liberality, and say that they are going to see that it exempts those who observe the seventh day. The Blair bill, however, made no such exemption. Nevertheless, many fair-minded persons are caught by the pretension to liberality on the part of the National Reformers and the American Sabbath Union. But let it not be forgotten that the object of this proposed National Sunday law is to make efficient existing State Sunday laws. But it cannot give efficiency to them unless it is itself “efficient;” and it may be accepted as a fact that it will be no exception to previous laws, and cannot be enforced so long as it makes any exemption of those who observe another day. So the exemption will be allowed to remain only till the law is secured, and when the time comes to enforce it, the exemption will be repealed. That is the way it is done. Exemption clauses in Sunday laws are frauds. They are designed only to delude fair-minded persons into favoring the enactment of the law, and they never serve any other purpose. Let all lovers of justice pay no heed to the voice of the National Reform charmer, charm he never so wisely. E. J. W. Is It Ignorance?
By Editor
UNDER the heading, “Ignorance That Is Inexcusable in This Progressive Age,” the Sacramento Record-Union of May 8 publishes the following. We are inclined to the belief that the letter to the Record-Union was the result, not of ignorance, but of something which is even more inexcusable. “The following letter was received by the managing editor of the Record-Union yesterday:—
731 N STREET, SACRAMENTO, May 7, 1889. DEAR SIR: Please instruct your carrier not to leave the Sunday issue of your paper at my house. I am opposed to Sunday papers on principle, and am sorry for this change in policy in the management of the Record-Union. A Monday paper may be published without Sunday work, but seven papers a week cannot. I am, yours respectfully,
ARNOLD T. NEEDHAM,
Pastor Sixth Street M. E. Church. “Why, certainly, we will so instruct the carrier, but at the same time we would suggest to the reverend gentleman that it ought to be a greater salve to his tender conscience to have the same instructions given in regard to the Monday issue, as the work on the latter is all done on Sunday, while the work on the Sunday edition is necessarily done on Saturday and Saturday night. Mr. Needham ought to know this as well as any man, for reporters of this paper have often worked on Sunday in the preparation of his sermons for the hands of the compositors, who have had to set them up on Sunday night. Frequently the reporters are assisted in this work by the ministers themselves—and on Sunday, too. “We had believed that there were none so ignorant of the work of publishing a daily newspaper as this letter seems to indicate. We thought that everyone knew that the publication of a paper on Monday morning involved the working of the entire force on Sunday, while the work of publishing a Sunday edition must be done on Saturday night. We have never heard Mr. Needham complain when he saw his sermon published in the Record-Union on Monday morning, that the reporter and compositors had been compelled to work on Sunday in order that he might have that satisfaction, thereby enabling him to place his arguments before an immense audience, which he could never have reached in any other way.” From figures based on the census of 1880, the American Sabbath Union, so called, estimates that there are in the United States, out of a total of 17,392,000 workers, 3,145,572 persons deprived of their Sunday rest, of whom 1,555,404 are “regularly engaged in needless work for gain on Sunday.” This may all be true; and it may also be true that many of these men would lose their situations if they should refuse to do Sunday work, but does it follow that laws should be enacted which would enable them to keep the day just as well as not? Said the Saviour, “If any man will be my disciple, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me;” and if a man’s convictions are not strong enough to move him to do that which he believes to be a sacred duty, even if it does entail pecuniary loss, it is scarcely worth while to strengthen them by legislative enactment. The man who will not serve God unless it is convenient to do so, does not serve him acceptably at all. But there is another feature of this question which is worth considering. The advocates of a law which guarantees to these Sunday workers a day of rest, whether they desire it or not, demand that all shall rest upon Sunday. They know that a small minority of their fellow-citizens conscientiously keep the seventh day at not a little sacrifice, and that they ask no law to enable them to do it without such sacrifice, yet Sunday-law advocates propose to secure a law which will compel them to keep another day also, thus depriving them of one-sixth of their means of support for conscience’ sake. Will someone please explain why the State should make it so easy for some of its citizens to outwardly observe the forms of their religion, and at the same time so difficult for others?—Signs of the Times. Christianity Does Not Need It.
A CORRESPONDENT of Reason has struck the right chord in opposition to the proposed Sunday law, as will be seen from the following, which we clip from that paper:— “On grounds of public policy there are grave objections to the proposed legislation, but the objections from the standpoint of those who have the best interests of religion at heart are equally weighty. The Christian Church in America occupies a position different from that in those countries where it has been in league with the State. While there may be much indifference and unbelief, there is but little active hostility. Secularism in the European sense of bitter hatred of all that savors of the church, has little power among our native-born population. It is because here the church has not been identified with ecclesiastical annoyance and intolerant legislation. “Our Protestant churches cannot afford to enter the arena of politics, and transform what had been mere unbelief into active enmity. Religious legislation in a country like this has no power to convince, nor to coerce, it can only irritate. “Christianity must be true to itself before it can perform its work; and Christian charity ‘vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up, doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own.’ Christianity ‘vaunting itself’ in legislative enactments and ‘seeking its own’ in the Constitution is true neither to its highest mission nor faithful to its best spirit. Dogmatic and sectarian Christianity is, even in the proposed amendment, refused the recognition of the Government; spiritual Christianity does not need it nor ask for it.” It is not enough to say that Christianity does not need such legislation; it cannot stand it. Christianity will not ask for legislation in its favor, even as Christ did not, and if men secure legislation in favor of Christianity, they will succeed only in driving Christianity out of the Church as well as out of the State. A POOR FOUNTAIN PEN IS A NUISANCE; But a Good One is a Joy Forever.
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