To any one who really sees Europe as it actually is at this hour, the spectacle is a sad one. To him who forgets that God rules all, from evil still evoking good, it is a hopeless one. Are we really at the close of war, or only at the beginning of one still greater? Take up the newspapers—those Arguses, whose eyes travel to and fro on the face of earth—and what do we read of?
First come voices of trouble from the East. Troubles in Arabia—fifty thousand rebels at Mecca swearing that the Sultan has forsworn the Prophet; troubles in Syria—wild men at Nabulous rising because there is no one to keep them down; troubles in Bagdad, smouldering troubles in Smyrna and other places in Anatolia, where the charter we wrung from the Porte is only setting Turk and Christian the faster by the ears; perfect anarchy in Greece—neither men nor goods safe beyond three miles from the coast, where French troops patrol—and the people fiercer than ever against the Ottomans, and more than ever frantic to kiss the feet of the Czar, and subject themselves to an iron despotism which is probably marked out by Providence as the sole effectual cure of Hellenic madness. So much for Turkey, which, our rulers tell us, we have rescued and made strong. Is there a single whole place in it from head to foot? But "we have checked the southward progress of Russia." For the moment. But why those cries for help from the Caucasus, that marshaling of Chruleff's host, those plans now preparing in the bureaus of St. Petersburg for new forts on the east side of the Black Sea, and a war-navy on the Caspian?
Turkey disintegrating, and Russia adhering to her "hereditary policy"—this is but one scene of the diorama. Take another phase of the troubles. Were there ever before so many "armies of occupation" in Europe? Austrians in the Principalities, British and French in Turkey and Greece, French and Austrians in Italy, all most generously keeping the peace in other people's territories—the wrong men in the right place!
The sight of those various white, blue and red-coated soldiers in alien countries is a significant proof of the disjointed state of affairs. It is like the sight of dragoons in a mob, telling of troubles. Italy is specially the seat of troubles and the object of apprehensions. Geologically the most volcanic of European countries, she is so now also politically. The damp dungeons of Naples teem with victims, and King Bomba overawes his people by means of brigands and lazzaroni. French bayonets around the Vatican alone ward off a new Roman Republic and a second flight of the Pope to Gaeta. Austria overpassing her own frontiers, has corps of occupation alike in Parma and the Legations, where they rule like demons—and in her own Italian territories there prevails only a milder form of the same reign of terror.
Radetzky writes to Vienna that either his master must say No at once to the Remonstrances of the Western Powers and Sardinia, or he will resign. Indeed, in the present combustible state of the peninsula, can Austria recede without evoking the flames? It is a duel between Austria and Sardinia, contesting the supremacy of Italy. Sardinia demands—publicly in the face of Europe demands—that the cords which bind Italy shall be slackened. If Austria yield, the Star of Piedmont rises higher on the horizon, and all eyes turn to it. The light of hope will grow stronger all over the peninsula, and the slackening of her cords will only make galled Italy pant more furiously to be free.
But what a spectacle for modern Europe! Italy and Greece, the heirs of the classic empires, the descendants of the ancient world—both mad and miserable—raving and chafing with a fury unintelligible to northern races! Why, the very soldiers of our Italian Legion at Malta are growing delirious—have been shouting and stabbing "for liberty" in a place where there is nothing but batteries and oranges—and would doubtless throw themselves into the sea to swim for Sicily, if they could carry their arms with them.
Is this peace? Cross the Alps and look northward. Poland groaning, and at times hoping, but securely manacled, and perhaps about to be offered by her master a political sop. Hungary, bleeding at the heart, but with no hope on the earth, save in the utter crumbling of the Hapsburgh throne, which would only bring a Muscovite instead of an Austrian bondage. These we count not at present. They figure largely in the speculations of superficial observers, but it is not by them that the troubled sleep of Europe will first be broken; indeed it seems to us their day cannot come at all until Germany and Italy have first gone through the fire, and come out greatly changed. But Germany is troubled, and will probably be into the furnace sooner than most people imagine.
Destitute of the mad impulses of the South, less demonstrative even than the French, the Germans do not give tongue much before they act—but there are symptoms that the tranquility of Central Europe is anything but secure. The policy of the governments towards the people has become most reactionary—in many respects there is less freedom now than there was before 1848—and even in the "free republic of Hamburg, the most cruel measures of oppression are put in force against the press.
The Germans are a slow-moving race, and if they had even a promise of better things coming, they would wait on, smoking their pipes and drinking their beer, with true Teutonic phlegm, for another generation. But at present they have not even a promise of better things—the nobility, worse than the throne, seem only bent upon pushing things backward toward feudalism; and the consequence is, that were revolution to commence in serious form, either at Paris or in Italy, Germany would speedily catch the flame.
In France itself tranquility is only secure so long as the firm hand of Napoleon III holds the reins. While he lives France will not throw its rider. But his death would resolve all into chaos; and Bourbonists, Republicans and Socialists would be struggling together in the dread maelstrom. For such a convulsion there can be but one issue. Order must be re-established; but around whom is the nation to rally? Suppose Napoleon III gone, what Saul is there over-topping all the rest by head and shoulders? What name is there but one that is known beyond the limits of Paris and a few leading towns?
Such, it appears to us, is the essential condition of the leading States of the Continent. Troubled they are all of them. Never was the political state of Europe so full of quicksands. "Distress of nations and perplexity"—such is the exact aspect of the times. One cannot take a bold step any way without plunging into abysses which the future only can fathom. Not to speak of the evidently transition state of the Spanish peninsula, Turkey is disintegrating. Italy is on the eve of exploding; even Germany is not safe; and a crisis in any one of these quarters may set Europe by the ears. Liberalism and Despotism are for the moment strangely interwoven. France threatens the press of Belgium—Austria similarly threatens Sardinia, and crushes Italy. Sardinia menaces despotic Austria—England sympathizes with freedom everywhere, but does not act. France dreads an outbreak in Italy, and stands balancing between Austria and Sardinia, yet at the same time is not disinclined to intervene to check Espartero and democracy in Spain.—Blackwood.
SUNDAY MAIL.
By Editor
[THERE seems to be an increasing opposition on the part of the professed christian denominations of the day, to that toleration now exercised by this government, in permitting the running of rail-road trains and the transportation of the mail upon the first day of the week—the so-called Christian Sabbath. This is what we might expect; we expect also that it will increase and make itself felt throughout the nation. It is the principal agent to bring about events brought to view in the last of Rev. xiii. All our readers will therefore feel interested in its development. The following from the Religious Telescope is an expression of the feeling which is beginning to exist and manifest itself upon this question. We notice also an article on the same subject in the Northwestern Christian Advocate, which, readers, we will soon lay before you.—ED. REVIEW.]
The United States mail is carried on the Christian Sabbath in this Christian land and nation. But it is said to be "constitutional." What sort of a constitution have you? One that dethrones the King of the Universe? It may be according to the "constitution" of the carnal mind, but I deny that the constitution of the United States requires any such thing. But the first amendment to the constitution says: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." Is it establishing any system of religion to refuse to hire men to break the law of High Heaven? Is it a part of the religion of some men to carry the news on Sunday? If so take away the hire, and let them go on their pilgrimage of love. Let them have the "free exercise" of their religion, but pray, sirs, do not make us partakers of their guilt. But I question whether I would feel compelled to surrender my purse because one of my neighbors feels in duty bound to carry it fifty miles on Wednesday. I doubt too, whether our Congress is bound to deliver up the United States Mail, because, forsooth, some men must travel with it fifty miles on Sunday "for conscience' sake."
To desecrate the Christian Sabbath is practical atheism. Are we under constitutional obligation to hire men to be practical atheists? Is this "religious liberty"?
To recognize the Sabbath, in a law, would, perhaps, be regarded by some as unconstitutional. Sunday, as a day of rest, is recognized in the constitution of the United States, by requiring the president to return any bill passed by Congress, "within ten days, (Sundays excepted,) after it shall have been presented," if he wish to veto it. See Art. 1, Sec. 7th. Is the constitution itself unconstitutional?
The government being in the hands of the people, they are responsible for its acts. Is it right to make Christians responsible for hiring men to break the Sabbath? Is this religious liberty?
Remember, the issue made by the advocates of the Sunday mail is false. They assume that to refuse to hire men to break the Sabbath, is to compel them to observe that day. No such thing. Mail carriers could still travel all day if they desired, and carry a sack of corn if they needed ballast, but our government would not be responsible.
Now I appeal to every christian citizen of our land, are you not responsible for the transportation of the Sunday mail? Who makes the laws which regulate the post-boys, and the post-masters? The representatives of the people. Did you vote for that representative who can look with indifference on national Sabbath-breaking? Do you labor by word and vote to have that atheistic law repealed? When you kneel in the congregation on the Lord's day, and thank God for Sabbath and Sanctuary privileges, does the thought ever occur to you mind that you are hiring your fellow-men to forego all those blessed privileges, and set at defiance the decree of High Heaven? Will you thus buy souls?
Sabbath-breaking comes along our highways, full of years, and having the seal of a christian (?) government stamped on his brazen forehead. "Religious liberty" beats time to his tread. He is a "national" fellow, with a good "constitution." What will you do? Let him pass? For one I protest.
"We Can't Keep the Sabbath."
By James White
MANY say so, and many reasons are offered why they cannot. Now I am not going to deny their assertions—I believe they speak the truth; but I think their inability arises from the position they occupy, and not from there being anything unjust or rigorous in the commandment; for God's commandments are not grievous. 1 John v, 3. The fact that they cannot keep the Sabbath is evidence of wrong on their part, not of him who gave the law.
The only reason that I have ever been able to find why people cannot keep the Sabbath, or any of the commandments of God, is found in Rom. viii, 7; “Because the carnal mind is enmity against God, for it is not subject to the law of God, NEITHER INDEED CAN BE.”
When people acknowledge the claims of the decalogue, and profess to keep the Sabbath, while they are yet carnally minded, it is not to be wondered at that they keep Sunday in its stead; for there is no subjection to the law of God required to keep Sunday.
The great mistake with the mass of religionists of the present day is: they endeavor to serve two masters, and to bring the carnal mind, full of worldly and selfish desires, into subjection to the law of God. But it can never be accomplished; they must renounce their allegiance to their old master, and have the carnal mind taken away by the blood of Christ, a new heart and a right spirit given, which will be at peace with God. Then, being reconciled to God, they will feel a sweet submission to his law; as it was to David and Paul, the law will be their delight.
Says the psalmist, “The Lord is nigh unto them that are of a broken heart.” Ps. xxxiv, 18; li, 17. It is to be feared that many are endeavoring to bend an old rebellious heart to the service of God, unwilling to let it break. They must die to self and the world before Christ can be formed within. J. H. W.
Receipts and Pledges for Relief of Office.
By Editor
Of the following sums those that have been paid are so marked. The rest are pledges to be paid before the first of September next.
P. Dickenson (pd.) $3.00. | S. B. McLaughlin (pd.) $2.69.
E. P. Burditt " 2.00. | A friend in Ct. " 8.00.
C. S. Hurlbut " 1.00. | S. Elmer " 0.50.
Receipts for Book Fund.
D. Richmond, C. Smith, J. H. Bates, H. N. Austin, $5 each. C. Weed, M. S. Kellogg, $3 each. G. Smith, J. Stowell, H. M. Ayers, H. H. Wilcox, $2 each. N. M. Richmond, C. K. Farnsworth, J. Farnsworth, N. Mead, D. Tucker, J. S. Wager, C. R. Austin, M. Ballou, $1 each. J. J. Curtis $1,42.
Books for Sale at this Office.
By Editor
The price set to each publication includes both the price of the book, and the postage, when sent by Mail.
Hymns for those who keep the Commandments of God and the Faith of Jesus. This Hymn Book is designed to promote not only public worship, but also social and family devotions. It is a selection of Hymns expressing the faith and hope of the Church as set forth in the Scriptures of truth, free from the popular errors of the age. The Book contains 352 Pages, 430 Hymns and 76 pieces of Music. Price, 60 cents.—In Morocco, 65 cents.
Bible Tracts Bound in Two Volumes. These Volumes are of about 400 pages each, and embrace nearly all of our published Tracts. We are happy to offer to our friends the main grounds of our faith in a style so acceptable.—Price, 50 cents each.
Sabbath Tracts, Nos. 1, 2, 3 & 4. This work presents a condensed view of the entire Sabbath question.—184 pages. Price 15 cents.
The Sanctuary and Twenty-three Hundred Days. by "J. N. A." This work presents a clear exposition of Daniel viii and ix, shows what the Sanctuary is, and the nature of its cleansing. Price 12½ cents.
The Three Angels of Rev. xiv, 6-12, particularly the Third Angel's Message, and the Two-horned Beast. This work maintains the fulfillment of Prophecy in the past Advent movement, and is of great importance in these times of apostasy and peril.—148 pages.—Price 12½ cents.
Review of Crozier. This work is a faithful review of the No-Sabbath doctrine as set forth in the Advent Harbinger by O. R. L. Crozier. It should be placed in the hands of those who are exposed to that heresy.—Price 6 cents.
The Bible Class. This work contains 52 Lessons on the Law of God and the Faith of Jesus, with questions. It is peculiarly adapted to the wants of those of every age who are unacquainted with our views of these subjects, especially the young.—Bound 25 cents. Paper covers, 18 cents.
The Four Universal Monarchies of the Prophecy of Daniel, and the Kingdom of God, to which is added a condensed view of the 2300 days and the Sanctuary.—Price 8 cents.
The Sabbath. Containing valuable articles on 2 Cor. iii; Col. ii, 14-17, Who is our Lawgiver? The two tills of Matt v, 18, Consistency, &c.—Price 5 cents.
The Law of God. In this excellent work the testimony of both Testaments relative to the law of God—its knowledge from Creation, its nature and perpetuity—is presented.—Price 12½ cents.
The Truth Found. A Short Argument for the Sabbath, by J. H. W. This is the best condensed work on the Sabbath extant. Price 6 cents.
Sabbath and Advent Miscellany. This work is composed of seven small tracts on the Sabbath, Second Advent, &c., and presents a choice variety for those who commence to seek for Bible truth. Price 10 cents.
The Bible Sabbath, or a careful selection from the publications of the American Sabbath Tract Society, including their History of the Sabbath. Price 10 cts.
The Atonement. This work opens a wide field of Bible truth, and will be found a valuable assistant in the study of the great theme on which it treats.—196 pp. 18 cents.
Man not Immortal: the only Shield against the Seductions of Modern Spiritualism. Without the great truth that man is not immortal, and that the dead know not anything, none are prepared to stand against wicked spirits in high places. We commend this work on the Immortality question, as an able discussion of the subject.—148 pp.—12½ cents.
An Examination of the Scripture Testimony concerning Man's present condition, and his future Reward or Punishment. By this work is shown the unconscious state of the dead, and the final destiny of the wicked. In this work we consider all objections to the mortality of man and the death of the wicked fairly and fully met. Price 18 cents.
Why Don't you Keep the Sabbath? Extracts from Catholic works.—Price 5 cents.
Signs of the Times. This work presents the historical facts concerning the signs in the Sun, Moon and Stars, points out other signs of the soon coming of Christ, and contains an exposure of Spirit Manifestations.—Price 12½ cents.
A condensed edition of 32 pp., 5 cents.
Last Work of the True Church.—Price 7 cents.
Perpetuity of the Royal Law.—Price 5 cents.
History of the Sabbath.—Price 5 cents.
The 2300 Days and Sanctuary by "U. S."—Price 5 cents.
The Celestial Railroad.—Price 5 cents.
Christian Experience and Views.—Price 6 cents.
Supplement to Experience and Views.—Price 6 cents.
POEMS.
Home Here and Home in Heaven, with other poems. This work embraces all those sweet and Scriptural poems written by Annie R. Smith, from the time she embraced the third message till she fell asleep in Jesus.—Price 25 cents. In paper covers, 20 cents.
Time and Prophecy. This work is a poetic comparison of the events of time with the sure word of Prophecy.—Price 20 cents. In paper covers, 12½ cents.
A Word for the Sabbath. This work is an exposure of the false theories in regard to the Sabbath.—Price 5 cents.
Liberal discount on these works where $5 worth is taken.
The money should accompany all orders, except for the accommodation of those preachers who can better pay for Books after they have sold them.
Address URIAH SMITH, Battle-Creek Mich.
POLITICS.
By Editor
WHEN we declare our neutrality in politics, and refuse to take part in a contest so exciting as the one which is now agitating this nation, it is right that we give an exposition of the principles on which we stand, and the reasons for our course.
The present state of the world is such as to arrest the attention of the greatest minds. It is such as to create the worst forebodings in the minds of those who look farthest into the future. The state of our own country we all know. A fair index of the state of Europe is given in another column. The great antagonistic principles of Temperance and Intemperance, Protestantism and Catholicism, Freedom and Slavery, Republicanism and Tyranny, are all at work. Now whenever and wherever these principles appear, every christian knows or should know which side he is on. He is with Temperance and not Intemperance; Protestantism and not Catholicism, Freedom and not Slavery; Republicanism and not Tyranny. These principles are essential elements of religion; and whoever is not sound on these, forfeits his claim to the title of christian.
We will now apply these remarks to politics. Whenever they involve any of the above principles, they involve principles in which we are interested; and it follows as a matter of course that that class of politicians which is supported by justice, humanity and truth, so far as it is actuated by these principles, is entitled to our sympathy.
We will come still nearer home. We consider that the sympathies of all merciful and humane persons must be with those who desire to see the chains of the bond-man broken, and the slave go free; or who desire that the foul demon, Slavery, should at least be confined to its present limits. With the belief that the people generally entertain, that there is yet a long future before the world, we cannot blame them for using every effort to prevent soil which is now free from being blasted by the mildew of Slavery. It amounts to nothing to say that nothing is gained should Kansas come into the Union a free State, because there would still be room enough for the slave to toil in and be oppressed. The question is, Shall the curse spread till it infects the whole land? Again, we say, we cannot blame any who love justice and freedom, viewing things as they are generally viewed, for using every possible means to prevent such a result:—every possible means to stunt this great evil.
The unrighteous course of the Border Ruffians and Pro-Slavery Demagogues, sustained as they are by modern Democrats in general, must create some feeling in the breasts of those who have formerly engaged actively in these contests; though they now feel compelled to confine themselves to questions of paramount importance to this age of the world.
To the question, why we do not with our votes and influence labor against the evil tendency of the times, we reply, that our views of prophecy lead us to the conclusion that things will not be bettered. This country, if we are correct in believing it to be symbolized by the two-horned beast of Rev. xiii, will finally sustain such an abominable character, that it will be landed in the lake of fire. Rev. xix, 20. The two-horned beast will speak like a dragon. Rev. xiii, 11. We do not therefore feel it incumbent upon us to labor, in this respect, either to hasten or retard the fulfillment of prophecy. God's purposes will surely be accomplished. And we feel it our duty to confine our efforts to preparing ourselves, and others as far as in us lies, for the great and final issue already pressing upon us—the revelation of the Son of man from heaven, the destruction of all earthly governments, the establishment of the glorious, universal and eternal kingdom of the King of kings, and the redemption and deliverance of all his subjects.
The Love of God
Could we with ink the ocean fill;
Was all the earth of parchment made;
Was every stick thereon a quill,
And every man a scribe by trade—
To write the love of God to man,
Would drain the ocean dry;
Nor would the scroll contain the span,
Though stretched from sky to sky.
Receipts.
By Editor
C. W. Stanley, J. J. Curtis, J. Kemp, D. Tucker, J. I. Stewart, M. Swarthout, H. M. Ayers, H. Page, H. Reefer, C. N. Russell, J. Philbrick, C. Lyman, H. H. Wilcox, M. S. Kellogg, (for L. J. Wickham,) H. L. Richmond, R. H. Brown, J. Purington, S. Segar, $1 each. A friend in Canada $2. J. Braymer, A. Parmalee, J. Hasker, $0.25 each. H. Noble, S. A. Howard, $0.50 each.
Review to Poor.—D. R. Palmer $2. S. W. Rhodes $3.
Pleasing God Through Christ
By T. S.
God is well pleased with what Christ has done for us; and when we are pleased with it and lay hold upon it with all our hearts, God is well pleased with us for his righteousness's sake. T. S.
The Bible, Faith, and Prayer
As the compass, quadrant and chart are the mariner's guide, while on a voyage, even so should the Bible, faith and prayer, be man's pilot while on his voyage through time.
Three Daily Christian Duties
THREE things should be thought of by the Christian every morning: his daily cross, daily duty, and daily privilege; how he shall bear the one, perform the other, and enjoy the third.
The Discouragement of Criticism
It sinks the spirits to do the best you can, and then be told by those who would give neither counsel nor aid, that you should have done better.
Abraham’s Sacrifice
By Hall
Whatever is dearest to us is our Isaac—happy are we if we can offer it to God. They shall never rest with Abraham who cannot sacrifice with Abraham.—Hall.
Unaddressed Letter from H. Wheeler
By Editor
We have received a letter signed H. Wheeler, containing one dollar for the REVIEW; but as no State or Town is given, we know not where to look for his address. Will he please write again.
SANE AND IN CHRIST.
By T. S.
Let, it, says Hooker, be accounted folly, or frenzy, or fury, or whatsoever; it is our comfort and our wisdom. We care for no knowledge in the world but this, that man hath sinned and Christ hath suffered; that Christ hath made himself the Son of man, and that men are made the righteousness of God in him.
T. S.