THEFreidenker is a German paper published in Milwaukee, Wis., devoted to the interests of religious liberty. In the issue of May 26 are some resolutions passed on Catholics’ Day at Vienna, during the first week of May last. The document reads as follows:—
In consideration that the general observance of Sunday rest is of the highest importance in a religious and social view; and,
In consideration that the Christian holidays are to the Catholics just as sacred as the Sundays, and that they are the holidays of the by far overwhelming majority of the population of Austria;
Therefore, the Catholics’ Day asks that the law prohibiting industrial labor on Sundays be carried out more strictly than heretofore, and that the granting of exceptions by means of special ordinances be restricted still more by law.
2. That the prohibition of all industrial labor be extended anew to all Christian holidays.
3. That the benefit of rest on Sundays and holidays be extended by law to the employes in public offices, as well as to all private offices not in the service of the Government, and especially as much as possible to the officers and employes of the public institutions of transportation and travel.
The language of the above petition is plain, and shows the inevitable drift of all religious legislation by the State. By this straw, although in a foreign country, we may easily forecast the prevailing direction of the wind in the United States when the Blair measures shall have been enacted into laws. At that meeting the Catholic loyalties of the entire Austrian Empire were represented by delegates, under the guidance of their priests, bishops, and cardinals, working in the interest of the church. The European powers were urged to re-enthrone the Pope of Rome, and delegates pledged themselves to support and favor the church press and the church schools.
With the Protestant churches in America banded together in a “National Reform Association” to further the work of making an image to the Papacy within our own Government, is there not cause for alarm at the menace to our religious liberty. May the American people read correctly the signs of the times. There are breakers ahead.
Columbus, Ohio.
A Significant Proposal.
The feverish, restless spirit of the times, and the tendency of the age towards legislation, which interferes with the individual rights of conscience, are well exemplified in a proposal by the trustees of the Normal College of New Jersey of an amendment to the State constitution “prohibiting the establishment of schools the purpose of which is to withdraw pupils from the public schools.”
Of course the amendment is aimed directly at parochial schools, but great as is the evil of Romish opposition to our common schools, the remedy proposed by the trustees of the Normal College would be a great deal worse. It is right that the State should require every parent to afford his child an opportunity to acquire a good education in the common branches of knowledge, but to go farther than that and say that the child must be educated in this school, or in that, is a most unwarranted invasion of private rights. If Protestants, because they are in the majority, have a right to say that Catholic children shall be educated in the public schools, it must follow that where Catholics are in the majority they have the right to say that Protestants shall send their children to church schools.
There are some things for which people are properly answerable only to God, and certainly the matter of giving religious instruction to, or of withholding it from, their children is one of those things. The State may require Catholics, or Presbyterians, or Methodists, and, in short, people of all denominations, to educate their children, but the moment it forbids the establishment of denominational schools, and requires that all shall send to the State schools, it strikes down religious liberty, and tramples upon the sacred rights of conscience.
Obedience to Civil Authorities
“Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work.” Titus 3:1.
The Sunday Newspapers Again.
In a recent speech at Ocean Grove, New Jersey, on the “Sabbath Question,” Col. Elliott F. Shepard charged that the Christian people are responsible for the Sunday papers. In proof of his assertion, he stated that the proprietor and editor of a leading daily in New York City, whom he reproaches for issuing a Sunday paper, justifies himself by saying he did not care to set himself “up as more holy than his best Christian neighbors.” This editor was himself a church-going man, but finding that church-members wanted the paper on Sunday, and that by supplying it he could increase his profits about $20,000 a year, he yielded to the demand; so there was another great daily added to those which were printing a Sunday edition. From this showing, it may be necessary to have a law prohibiting the publication of Sunday papers; but we cannot fail to see the parallel between this and the demand made in the fourth century for laws to prevent the Christian people from attending theaters and shows instead of going to church on Sunday. But we presume if people will not do their duty of their own accord, they will have to be coerced, at least this seems to be the view of the matter taken by National Reformers.
A Labor Paper on Sunday Laws.
By Editor
WE would commend the following excellent editorial article from the El Dorado Independent and Workingman's Friend, of May 18, 1889, to those of our readers, if there be any such, who think, as is claimed by Dr. Crafts and others, that Sunday laws are demanded by the workingmen. The Independent says:—
“The Sunday-law question has become a prominent matter of discussion, made so by the attempt on the part of those claiming to be Christians to violate the spirit and meaning of the Federal Constitution, which, if it means anything, expressly forbids legislation involving a union of Church and State. No matter what the pretense, the fact is patent to every candid mind that the first and main object of legislation upon the matter is to enforce religious observances. We believe in calling a spade a spade, at the same time we design no prejudice to the Christian religion. It is the attempt to enforce religion by law that we have to do with. The proposition to enforce a Sunday law is nothing less than the manifestation of a deliberate contempt for one of the most sacred constitutional rights of the American people. It is a violation of the principles of American institutions. It is bigotry and intolerance. It is a relic of barbarism.
“We regard the constitutional question involved in the Sunday-law proposition a test of honesty, and one that stamps as hypocritical all pretensions to Christianity. No one can be honest, and no one can be a Christian, who wantonly disregards the sacred principles of civil and religious liberty, and would bind the consciences of men with legal enactments. A religion that requires to be enforced by law is in direct conflict with the entire teachings of Jesus Christ.
“But aside from all religious considerations, no constitutional authority exists upon which a law can be made, saying what an individual shall or shall not do on any certain day of the week that does not apply to all days. All laws governing human action are of a general nature, not confined to any one day, but to all days alike. Any law designed to make one day better than another can have no other authority than that derived from ecclesiastical dogma. Again, no one will deny that it is the inviolate right of every individual to rest on any day he chooses. To enforce the observance of any certain one day of the week as a day of rest would annihilate that right. There is no escaping these conclusions. There is no necessity for adding words. The points we have made in this article are common to every thinking mind. The question is with each individual mind to answer for itself, Shall we maintain the principles of civil and religious liberty? or shall we bow the knee to ecclesiastical tyranny?”174
This is another evidence of that which we have repeatedly stated, that comparatively few of the workingmen are really in favor of Sunday legislation. The fact is, as we have more than once proved, that the demand for Sunday laws originated with a few religious bigots, and that by dint of long speeches and smooth arguments a few laboring men were persuaded to indorse the movement, and then with an immense flourish of trumpets it was at once announced that the demand was the spontaneous production of the labor unions. “For ways that are dark and for tricks that are vain” the National Reformers are not one whit better than ward politicians.
The Sunday Law in Massachusetts.
A recent decision of the Supreme Court in Massachusetts has again revived the Sunday question in that State. The decision was rendered in a case of the State against a tobacconist for keeping his place of business open on Sunday. Prior to A. D. 1887, Massachusetts had quite a strict Sunday law, but that year it was very much modified, and while as it now stands it absolutely forbids the keeping open of some places of business it allows others to remain open. For instance, one clause permits the sale of drugs and medicines and articles ordered by the prescription of physicians, also mechanical appliances used by physicians or surgeons. Taking advantage of this provision, the druggists resumed their Sunday sale of cigars and sundry other articles. A druggist was arrested and tried for violating the law because he sold tobacco, but the court and jury decided that tobacco was a drug and could be sold on Sunday. “The retail cigar dealers being, unfortunately, mostly Hebrews, therefore unable,” as the Boston Post puts it, “to understand the niceties of the Yankee conscience, could not see why it was they could not sell cigars as well as the druggist,” and one of them determined to test the question, and so sold cigars and tobacco on Sunday. He was promptly arrested, tried, and fined. He took an appeal, but the Supreme Court sustained the decision of the lower courts in his case. While we do not approve the use of tobacco in any form, it is difficult to see why cigars are any worse sold by a Hebrew than by a Christian, so called. But this is only another illustration of the inherent injustice of Sunday laws. It is to be hoped that this will enable the law makers in Massachusetts to see that it is impossible to regulate Sunday-keeping by law.
A Sign of Weakness.
By Editor
THE above is the heading of a short communication to a journal recently started in Minneapolis, called Reason. Our readers will agree with us, we think, that the article, which we herewith give, is well worthy of a place in a paper bearing that name:—
“My main objection to the ‘Blair bills’ is that they look in the direction of that union of the secular and spiritual power which has always proved so disastrous in the past. If these bills become law, the legislation necessary to carry them out and enforce them must inevitably work injustice to a large class of our citizens. The Jew or the atheist who gives his allegiance to our Constitution, who pays his taxes for the support of the Government, has the same right to protection and immunity from coercion that the most orthodox Christian has. The wide diversity of views upon the Sabbath, and the question of religious instruction in schools, is itself sufficient to show that any legislation to secure uniformity must result in hardship to many. For the State to take any action upon religious grounds, that is, upon the assumption that such action is required by the law of God, establishes the principle that legislative bodies are the proper tribunals to determine what are the laws of God. This is the principle upon which union of Church and State is based. It is the principle that has been at the bottom of all religious persecution. If the State has a right to determine what are the laws of God, it has a right to enforce them, if need be, with the sword.
“In the present agitation upon the subject covered by these Blair bills, I see, not a sign of strength, but of weakness and degeneracy in the Christian church. Just as soon as Christianity begins to cry out for the aid of the secular power, so soon does it confess that it is beginning to sink. As long as it is strong and vital it needs no such assistance. The great thing for the church to do is to throw away all such amendments as the ones proposed, burn their petitions, abolish their mass-meetings, and fling themselves into a moral and spiritual campaign—using the power of truth, of genuine Christian living, and putting into their lives, instead of into the statutes of the Nation, the principles of Jesus Christ. If all the Christians of this country should for one day show an earnest disposition to live by the golden rule, carrying it out in all their relations to their fellow-men, it would do more towards converting unbelievers to Christianity than all the laws that have been enacted from the days of Constantine to the days of President Harrison.”
The Bill Is Despotic.
By W. S. Pechin
If the Blair bill and the proposed amendment are righteous measures, we may well ask why did not Jesus and his co-workers petition the Roman Government to establish the kingdom of God by law. The gospel asks for no legislation, and should have no laws to support it. The great commission was to disciple the nations.
The “Blair bill” makes the “Lord’s day” a religious institution and violates the spirit and the letter of Article I. [See amendments to Constitution of the U. S.] It prohibits persons from engaging in any recreation “to the disturbance of others on the first day of the week.” The crime would be in disturbing someone. Some overzealous persons would, for the purpose of prosecution, seek to be disturbed. The bill is despotic, and a long step backward toward the Dark Ages. We have no scriptural command to observe the first day of the week as a day of rest and worship. The authority is custom and common consent. There is a respectable body of Christians in this country which holds to the seventh day, and freedom of conscience would be placed under the ban of law by the bill. Shall the State compel seventh-day worshipers to give up their creed? Is the United States Senate an infallible pope to issue bulls and promulgate decrees?
The first section of the proposed amendment is misleading and false, as it relates to the second section. The first prohibits an establishment of religion, and the second is that “the principles of the Christian religion” shall be taught in the public schools.
Who shall determine what are the principles of the Christian religion? The answer is an easy one. The dominant religious denomination of any State can interpret these principles in accordance with its creed. Thus would churches be tempted to degenerate into political parties.—W. S. Pechin, in Reason.
A Little Mixed.
In the remarks of Rev. M. A. Gault, in the Missouri National Reform Convention, on another page of this paper, will be noticed the characteristic mongrel logic of the Reformers. The discussion being on the question whether the State should appeal to the divine law in the enforcement of Sabbath observance, Mr. Gault said: “The church appeals to the divine law, and so the State appeals to the divine law.” Then, to be sure of being understood in the matter, he added: “Now let me explain here that we do not mean that the State should appeal to the ecclesiastical law, nor to the divine law.” This is in keeping with the consistency of the Blair Educational Amendment bill, which in the first section provides that “no State shall ever make or maintain any law respecting an establishment of religion;” and then in the second section makes it the duty of the Government to see that each State maintain public schools for the very purpose forbidden in the first section.
Mr. Gault continued: “The ecclesiastical law binds the church, and the civil law binds the State. Civil government has no right to compel people to religiously observe the Sabbath-day.” That is wholesome doctrine, if he would only stick to it; but previously, in the same speech, he had said: “Government should say to the people, You must keep the Sabbath and have the Sabbath’s rest secured to all classes, not merely because it is good for you, but because God says so; because there is a divine appointment behind this question.” Now the solution to all this muddle of doctrine seems to lie in his treating the ten commandments as a civil law, as well as a divine law; for he says, “The civil law—the ten commandments—because they are civil—they bind the State.” In this, he seems to speak of “things that are not as though they were,” in contemplation of what shall be when National Reform rule shall have been established in the Government. However, the decalogue seems to be a very convenient code for the Reformers,—moral when it best answers their purpose, and civil when any emergency in their cause demands that construction. But that is characteristic of Church and State logic everywhere.
Sunday Paper in London.
THE appearance of the London edition of the New York Herald, one issue of which is published on Sunday morning, calls forth a letter from a correspondent of the London Times vigorously protesting against the innovation, and appealing to the leaders of English journalism to resolutely set their faces against it. The cause assigned for this protest is that all those connected with papers which issue an edition on Sunday will be compelled to work on that day, and thus be deprived of observing it as a day of rest.
Evidently the Times correspondent doesn't know anything about the work of a daily newspaper office, for such work is done during the day and night before the date of issue. The work of the Sunday morning paper is always done on Saturday and Saturday night, and the employees have an opportunity to rest on Sunday. On the other hand, those who work on a Monday morning paper must necessarily work on Sunday. The London papers all issue a Monday morning edition, the work for which is all done on Sunday. So the innocent correspondent of the Times need not hope that the “leaders of English journalism will resolutely set their faces” against a Sunday morning paper. He had better begin his missionary work to prevent the desecration of Sunday with the English journals.—San Diego Union and Daily Bee, May 15, 1889.
That Religious Sabbath
By Editor
It is officially announced that “Rev. Wilbur F. Crafts, field secretary of the American Sabbath Union, is planning to visit every State and Territory (except some of those recently visited) before the end of the year, to promote the observance of both the religious and the civil Sabbath, by sermons, lectures, and especially by organizing State and county and city Sabbath associations, or preparing the way for such organizations.”
This should put an end to the oft-repeated declaration of the Reformers that all they want is a civil Sabbath. Here is the open official announcement that the field secretary will visit all parts of the country to “promote the observance” of the religious Sabbath also. It also appears that they have not given up the idea of promoting their ideal Sabbath. When the Sunday-Rest bill was first introduced, it was a bill to “promote” the observance of the first day of the week as a day of religious worship; but the promoters had that word changed to “protect,” for the purpose of blinding those who might think that to promote would imply aggressive action. The official announcement proves what we said at the time, that the intent of the measure, and its effect if passed, would not be mitigated in the least by that verbal change.
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