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The American Sentinel, Vol. 4, No. 13.

Is This “the Breath of the Puritan”?
Earlier text: Is This “the Breath of the Puritan”?

Where Sunday Laws Hit

The Rev. Dr. G. W. Bothwell has stated that proposed Sunday laws are not “aimed at” those who observe the seventh day. Doubtless the same thing would have been said in Arkansas in 1885, where the effort was made to repeal the clause exempting from the penalties of the Sunday law those who observed any other day of the week. The sole object of those who secured that repeal was, as they said, to close the saloons. It was claimed that under cover of that exemption section, certain saloon keepers successfully defied the law. Accordingly the section was repealed, but the saloons were not molested. Out of twenty-one cases of indictment for Sunday work, only one person was not an observer of the seventh day, and that one person was not convicted, although it was clearly proved that he worked. We present herewith a few of the cases, in order that our readers may see that Sunday laws almost invariably hit observers of the seventh day, whether they are aimed at them or not. We copy from chapter seven of “Civil Government and Religion,” by A. T. Jones, for sale at this office. For the sake of brevity, we omit, in most cases, the record of fines, etc.

FIRST CASE.

“Elder J. W. Scoles, a Seventh-day Adventist minister, had gone from Michigan to Arkansas in June, 1884, to assist Elder D. A. Wellman in holding some meetings at Springdale, Washington County. As the result of these meetings, quite a number of persons adopted the faith of that body, and practiced accordingly. In August, 1884, Elder Wellman died, and Elder Scoles continued the work in that place. In the winter of 1884–85, Elder J. G. Wood went from Appleton City, Mo., to assist Elder Scoles at Springdale. A church was organized in that place early in 1885, and the erection of a meeting-house was begun at once. In addition to his subscription to the enterprise, Elder Scoles agreed to paint the house when it should be ready. Further than this, we have the words of Elder Scoles himself. He says:—
“‘I volunteered to do the painting as my share of the work, in addition to my subscription. I worked away at the church at odd times, sometimes half a day and sometimes more, as I could spare the time. The last Sunday in April, 1885, in order to finish the work so I could be free to go out for the summer’s labor with the tent, and expecting to go the next day twenty miles, I went over to the church, and finished up a small strip of painting on the south side of the house, clear out of sight of all public roads; and here I quietly worked away for perhaps two hours, in which time I finished it, and then went home. It was for this offense that I was indicted.’”
“At the fall term of the Circuit Court held at Fayetteville, Mr. J. A. Armstrong, of Springdale, was summoned before the Grand Jury. He was asked if he knew of any violations of the Sunday law. He said he did.
“Grand Jury—‘Who are they?’
“Armstrong—‘The ’Frisco Railroad is running trains every Sunday.’
“G. J.—‘Do you know of any others.’
“A.—‘Yes; the hotels of this place are open, and do a full run of business on Sunday, as on other days.’
“G. J.—‘Do you know of any others?’
“A.—‘Yes, sir; the drug stores and barber shops all keep open, and do business every Sunday.’
“G. J.—‘Do you know of any others?’
“A.—‘Yes; the livery stables do more business on Sunday than on any other day of the week.’
“After several repetitions of this same form of questions and answers, in much the same manner, in relation to other lines of business, this question was reached—
“G. J.—‘Do you know of any Seventh-day Adventists who work on Sunday?’
“A.—‘Yes, sir.’”
“After getting from the witness the names of his brethren, indictments were found against five persons, all of whom were Seventh-day Adventists. Elder Scoles was one of the five.”
From the above it will be seen that special pains was taken to indict none but those who had conscientiously observed the seventh day. A more marked instance of deliberate persecution could not be imagined. Mr. Scoles was convicted, and an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court, where the decision of the lower court was sustained.

SECOND CASE.

Mr. Meeks had been a resident of Arkansas since 1856, with the exception of one year. He had held the office of justice of the peace for a number of years both before and after the war. When he became a Seventh-day Adventist he refused to hold the office longer, because its duties conflicted with his observance of the Sabbath.
“Mr. Meeks was indicted at the July term of the Circuit Court, 1885, for Sabbath breaking. He was arrested in November, 1885, and held under bonds of $500 for his appearance in January. The offense for which he was indicted was planting potatoes on Sunday—the third Sunday in March, 1885. The work was done near Mr. Meeks’s own house, and not nearer than two and a half miles to any public road or any place of public worship.
“On the day referred to, Mr. La Fever and his wife went to visit Mr. Meeks at his home, and found Mr. Meeks planting potatoes. Mr. Meeks quit his work, and spent the rest of the day visiting with Mr. La Fever. La Fever afterward reported Mr. Meeks to the Grand Jury; and as the consequence, Mr. Meeks was indicted, as stated. The fourth Monday in January, Meeks appeared before Judge Herne. His case was laid over to await the decision of the Supreme Court in the Scoles case.

FIFTH CASE.

“James M. Pool, a Seventh-day Adventist, was indicted for Sabbath breaking, at the fall term of the Circuit Court held at Fayetteville, beginning the first Monday in September, 1885. He waived his right to jury trial. The only witness in the case was J. W. Cooper. Cooper was a member of the Presbyterian Church, and professed sanctification. He went to Pool’s house on Sunday morning, to buy some tobacco, and found Pool hoeing in his garden; so testified before the court, Judge Pittman presiding. The judge sustained the indictment, pronounced Pool guilty, and fined him one dollar and costs, amounting to $30.90.

SIXTH CASE.

“Mr. J. A. Armstrong moved from Warren County, Indiana, to Springdale, Arkansas, in 1878. In September, 1884, he joined the Seventh-day Adventist Church at Springdale. November, 1885, he was indicted by the Grand Jury for Sabbath breaking. On the 13th of February, 1886, he was arrested by William Holcomb, deputy sheriff for Washington County, and was held under bonds of $250 for his appearance at the May term of the Circuit Court. The particular offense upon which the charge of Sabbath breaking was based, was for digging potatoes in his field on Sunday. Millard Courtney was the prosecuting witness. Mr. Armstrong had a contract for building the school-house at Springdale. Mr. Courtney, with a friend, went to Armstrong’s house on Sunday, to negotiate a contract for putting the tin roof on the school-house. From the house they went into the field where Mr. Armstrong was digging potatoes. There the business was all talked over, and the contract was secured for putting on the tin roof. Then this same Courtney became the prosecuting witness against Mr. Armstrong for working on Sunday.
“On the first Monday in May, Mr. Armstrong appeared before Judge Pittman, Circuit Judge of the Fourth Judicial District, at Fayetteville; and, waiving his right to jury trial, submitted his case to the court for decision. Judge Pittman sustained the indictment. Fine and costs, amounting to $26.50, were paid, and Mr. Armstrong was released.”

NINTH CASE.

“Mr. James, a Seventh-day Adventist, was indicted by the Grand Jury in January, 1886, for Sabbath breaking. The particular offense was for doing carpenter work on Sunday. The indictment was founded on the testimony of Mr. Powers, a minister of the Missionary Baptist Church. Mr. James was working on a house for a widow, near the Hot Springs Railroad. The work was done without any expectation of receiving payment, and wholly as a charitable act for the poor widow, who was a member of the Methodist Church. Mr. James worked in the rain to do it, because the widow was about to be thrown out of the house in which she lived, and had no place to shelter herself and family. Powers, the informer, lived about six hundred yards from where the work was done, and on that very Sunday had carried wood from within seven rods of where Mr. James was at work, and chopped up the wood in sight of Mr. James.

TENTH CASE.

“At the January term in 1886, Mr. Meeks was indicted the second time. July 13 he was arrested on a bench warrant in the hands of William La Fever. Meeks gave bonds for his appearance at the July term of court. The offense was for fixing his wagon-brake on Sunday. He was reported to the Grand Jury by Riley Warren. Warren had gone to Meeks’s house on the Sunday referred to in the indictment, to see Mr. Meeks about hiring a teacher for their public school, for both of them were members of the School Board of their district. In the course of their conversation, Mr. Meeks incidentally mentioned having mended his wagon-brake that morning. This was reported to the Grand Jury by Mr. Warren, and the indictment followed.

ELEVENTH CASE.

“John A. Meeks, aged fourteen years, son of Edward L. Meeks, was indicted by the Grand Jury at the January term of the Circuit Court of 1886, for Sabbath breaking. The offense was for shooting squirrels on Sunday. The place where the squirrels were shot was in a mountainous district entirely away from any public road, or any place of public worship. He was reported by a Mr. M. Reeves. The sons of Mr. Reeves were hauling wood with a team on that same Sunday, and were present with the Meeks boy in the woods, and scared the squirrels around the trees for the Meeks boy to shoot. When the sport was over, the Meeks boy divided the game with the Reeves boys.
“Then the father of the Reeves boys reported the Meeks boy and he was indicted. His case was held over to await the decision of the Supreme Court in the Scoles case. At the January term in 1887, the boy confessed judgment, and was fined $5.00, and $3.00 county tax was assessed, and the costs, amounting in all to $22. The fine was paid, and the boy released.”

FOURTEENTH CASE.

“William H. Fritz was indicted at the April term of the Circuit Court in 1886, for Sabbath-breaking, and held under $250 bonds for his appearance at the September term, at Huntsville. Mr. Fritz is a wood-workman, and the offense charged was for working in the shop on Sunday. The shop was in the country, and two hundred yards from the public road. The indictment was sustained. The defendant was fined $1.00 and costs, amounting to $28. Mr. Fritz was a Seventh-day Adventist.”

SIXTEENTH CASE.

“I. L. Benson was not, at that time a member of any church, made no pretensions to religious faith, and did not observe any day. He had the contract for painting the railroad bridge across the Arkansas River at Van Buren, Ark. He worked a set of hands on the bridge all days of the week, Sundays included. In May, 1886, Mr. Benson and one of his men were arrested on the charge of Sabbath breaking. They were taken to Fort Smith, and arraigned before a justice of the peace. The justice did not put them through any form of trial, nor even ask them whether they were guilty or not guilty, but read a section of the law to them, and told them he would make the fine as light as possible, amounting, with costs, to $4.75 each. They refused to pay the fines, and were placed in custody of the sheriff. The sheriff gave them the freedom of the place, only requiring them to appear at the justice’s office at a certain hour. Mr. Benson telegraphed to the general manager of the railroad in regard to the matter. The general manager telegraphed to his attorney in that city to attend to the cases.
“Mr. Benson and his men appeared before the justice for a hearing in their cases. It was granted, with some reluctance. The attorney, Mr. Bryolair, told the justice it was a shame to arrest men for working on the bridge at the risk of their lives to support their families, when the public work in their own town was principally done on Sunday. A hearing was granted, and the trial set for the next day.
“They were not placed under any bonds at all, but were allowed to go on their own recognizance. The following day a jury was impaneled and the trial begun. The deputy sheriff was the leading witness, and swore positively that he saw them at work on Sunday. The jury brought in a verdict to the effect that they had ‘agreed to disagree.’ This was on Wednesday. The following Monday was set for a new trial. No bond was even at this time required. The defendants appeared at the time appointed, and pleaded not guilty. The justice, after giving them a brief lecture, dismissed the case.”

TWENTIETH CASE.

“In August, 1886, Mr. P. Hammond, a member of the Baptist Church, appeared before the Grand Jury in Hot Spring County, and charged J. L. Shockey with hauling rails and clearing land on Sunday, the first day of the week, July 11, 1886. The Grand Jury presented an indictment. On December 14, 1886, Mr. Shockey was arrested and taken to Malvern, locked up until the next day, when he gave the usual bond for his appearance at court, and was released. The work for which Mr. Shockey was indicted was done on a new farm which he was opening up in the woods, three-fourths of a mile from any public road, and more than a mile from any place of public worship, and not in sight of either. The witness, Mr. Hammond, passed by where Mr. Shockey was at work, and after he had gone some distance, returned, and spoke to Mr. Shockey about buying from him a Plymouth Rock rooster. The bargain was then made, Hammond agreeing to pay Shockey fifty cents for the rooster.
“Shockey was indicted, and his case set for trial February 7, 1887. This case, with the one before mentioned, and some others that had been held over to await the decision in the Scoles case, was called, and February 11 fixed as the day of trial for all.”
These are sufficient to show the practical workings of a Sunday law that was not “aimed at” observers of the seventh day. If such results can come from the law when it is not aimed at them, what will be the result when they go deliberately to work to secure “legislation embarrassing to them”? We say that the man who knows these things and does not vigorously oppose such legislation, no matter what his religious belief, or whether he has any at all, is destitute of patriotism and of the feelings of common humanity.
But let it be understood that no National Reformer or active Sunday-law agitator of any organization whatever, has ever said a word in disfavor of the course pursued in Arkansas. On the contrary, the restoration of the section exempting observers of the seventh day from the penalties of the law, was strenuously opposed by many religious leaders. The editor of the Arkansas Methodist declared in his paper that “the Sabbath laws” without the exemption section had “worked well enough,” and were about as near perfect as we can expect to get them under the present Constitution.” In view of these things, which are generally known, and which have been brought time and again to the attention of Sunday-law workers, and in view of the action of the present Arkansas Legislature, and of the sayings of such men as Dr. Bothwell, and of the further fact that exemption clauses are vigorously denounced, we think we are justified in saying that, as a general thing, Sunday laws “are aimed” quite directly at observers of the seventh day.

Religious Rights, Not Religious Toleration

“WHAT other nations call religious toleration, we call religious rights.”

Religious Intolerance in Arkansas.

THAT the various attempts to secure National and State Sunday laws are in the exact line of the work of so-called National Reform, becomes more and more apparent as we notice the character of the work. The idea of all who are thoroughly committed to the work seems to be that they own the earth, and that any who differ with them, no matter how conscientiously, have no rights whatever. The readers of the SENTINEL are familiar with the remark of E. B. Graham, a vice-president of the National Reform Association, that its opponents, whom he denominated “opponents of the Bible,” might “go to some wild, desolate land, and in the name of the devil, and for the sake of the devil, subdue it and set up a government of their own.” The Rev. G. W. Bothwell, D. D., of Oakland, speaks lordly of Sunday-law people as being the “benefactors” of the observers of the seventh day, because they allow them to live in their country, and quietly live out their religion.
In the same line is the speech of Senator Tillman, of Arkansas, in support of his Sunday bill, in the Arkansas Legislature, March 4. The bill in question is a bill to repeal the clause which now exempts conscientious observers of the seventh day from the penalties of the Sunday law. From the report in the Little Rock Gazette, March 5, we take the following:—
“Senator Tillman, the author of the bill repealing the statute, taking the floor in favor of his bill, said:—
“Mr. President, I assume that Christianity is the true religion, and that the first day of the week is the Christian Sabbath. The Christian Sabbath is an institution of God Almighty, and should be respected as such, and if assailed the civil law should be invoked to protect it. This bill provides for the general observance of the first day of the week as a day of rest from secular enjoyments, other than those of necessity, comfort, or charity. It is in the nature of a civil regulation only. It is not of the character of State protection to church. It does not seek to violate the principle that affairs of Church and State should be kept separate. It interferes in no way with the full and free exercise of religious freedom. The State has a right by legislative enactment to provide for the observance of the Sabbath-day, and to punish a violator of the same, and keep within the purview of the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of Arkansas. The Supreme Court of this State, in the case of the State against Scales, decided that the law of 1885, which the bill seeks to revive, was constitutional.
“I have a local interest in the measure. In my county (Washington) we have a religious sect known as the Seventh-day Adventists, a very devout and respectable people, but they labor on our Sabbath and greatly annoy the Christian people of that section. In Springdale, where most of these people live, there exists a very great demand for the passage of this bill. I promised those people to introduce a bill of this kind. I have done so, and worked earnestly for its passage, and if it does pass this Senate I will meet with a hearty ‘well done’ from my friends there on my return from my labors here.
“I want to ask senators who vote against the bill if they would like to have their children raised in a community where they would be compelled to see the Christian Sabbath desecrated? What effect would it have on a child to pass, on the way to church or Sunday-school, men plowing or reaping in the fields, when you are doing all you can to bring it up in the way it should go? I imagine you gentlemen would not relish exposure of this kind. If you lived in Springdale for a few months your opinions on the ‘religious liberty’ function would undergo a radical change. Those Seventh-day Adventists are generally good citizens, but they have become very aggressive since the passage of the Sunday law of two years ago, and our people are getting very tired of them. The senator from Independence suggests that if this bill should pass it will drive these people from the State. That would not be a serious loss. There would be fewer Sabbath breakers to deal with. After having left Arkansas they might very truly exclaim— “True patriots are we, For be it understood, We left our country For our country’s good.”
It is apparent that proscription is the handmaid of Sunday legislation. What is the reason that Mr. Tillman wants to restrict the God-given privileges of Seventh-day Adventists to work on six days and rest the seventh? Oh, since they were granted, not equal rights, but simple toleration, they have become “aggressive.” What does that mean? Simply that they have been actively preaching the faith which they profess, and have induced many to accept it. Has that faith made them more vicious? does the acceptance of it by any people make them worse neighbors, and endanger life or property? No; not by any means; but it is contrary to the belief of the majority; and so it must be suppressed, and those who hold it be driven from the State. Yet the Senator dares say that the bill is not in the nature of religious legislation, nor of State protection to church, and that “it interferes in no way with the full and free exercise of religious freedom.” We prefer to have religious freedom defined by somebody who gives better evidence of a knowledge of religion than being the author of a bill to drive innocent people from the State, because they do not believe as others do.
The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 16 to 11. We have not yet heard from the Lower House.

Capital and Labor.

THE fallacy which is common to almost all labor organizations, and which the leaders and “walking delegates” of these organizations generally do their utmost to propagate among workingmen, and that, too, for selfish purposes, consists in the assumption that there is a real conflict between the two classes represented by the terms “capital” and “labor.” The term “capital” means those who have an accumulated capital, and are engaged in some form of business that makes it necessary for them to become the employers of others, paying them wages for their labor. The term “labor” means those who, not having capital which they can invest in any branch of business, have nothing to sell but their labor, and support themselves and their families out of the wages paid to them by their employers. The one class want and need to buy labor, and the other class just as much want and need to sell labor. Both classes, so far from being arrayed against each other, are supplementary to each other and mutually dependent upon each other. Neither can get along without the other. There is no just occasion for any war between them any more than between the buyers and sellers of commodities. Their interests are not conflicting but coincident and mutually contributory.
What is the rate of compensation that capital ought to pay to labor? How much shall the seller of labor receive from the employer for the service rendered by the former to the latter? There is only one practical answer to this question; and that answer, in the long run, and as a general rule, will be more equitable than any other which it is possible to give, where buyers and sellers are left free to make their own bargains. The law of supply and demand, under free competition, will fix the price of labor as between buyers and sellers of labor, just as it fixes the price of all commodities that come into the market to be bought and sold. When the demand exceeds the supply of labor, wages will rise; and when the supply exceeds the demand, wages will just as naturally fall to a lower mark. When buyers compete with each other, prices necessarily advance; and when sellers compete with each other, they as necessarily go down. This has been the history of the world ever since men began to buy and sell; and it will continue to be its history through all time. The result is an average market price, which the buyer must pay and the seller must accept.
All the labor organizations that were ever gotten up by men cannot repeal this law, or put in its place any other law that would, on the whole, work better for the interests of human society, including all classes. Such organizations may for a short period force prices out of their natural course; but in the end they will come back again under the general law of supply and demand. Such has been the fact in the past, and we conclude that it will be so in the future.
The plain truth is, that capital and labor are naturally and necessarily co-operative and not antagonistical. They have common interests, and work together, and must work together. All that capital needs is a free market in which to buy, and all that labor needs is a free market in which to sell. Give to both a free market without any coercion or constraint on either side, and each in serving itself will, under the natural laws of trade, serve the others. “Walking delegates” and labor “strikes” are a very poor remedy for regulating the rate of wages. They produce far more harm than good, and are a general curse to the best interests of society.—Independent, N. Y., Jan. 3, 1889.

Trades Unionism Stops Funeral

The following from the Chicago Tribune of February 14 is an illustration of the unconscionable tyranny of the spirit of trades unionism:—
The brutality of trades unionism reached its climax in Brooklyn Tuesday when a walking delegate stopped a funeral procession because there was a “scab” cab in the line. The living have had to submit to considerable inconvenience in their affairs from time to time, to meet the requirements of these associations. It was scarcely to be expected that the dead would be kept above the earth until the orders of the walking delegate should be obeyed. But in the instance alluded to, the funeral halted and remained at a standstill until the offensive cab was driven away, and then the offices of humanity were permitted to proceed. It is incredible that any intelligent body of men approve of so brutal a business; and if the walking delegate who made so unseemly a disturbance is not removed from a post he has so discreditably filled, the reputation of his union ought to be settled with the people of Brooklyn. They should give it a thorough taste of its own medicine.

Plea for National Reform

At the quarterly convention of the Alleghany County (Pa.) W. C. T. U., Mrs. Sarah E. Gemmill made a strong plea for National Reform, closing her speech as follows: “I ask you as Christian women to help amend the Constitution of our Nation, so that it will acknowledge God as the source of authority, Jesus as the Ruler, and the Bible as the standard by which all moral issues in the political world are to be decided.”

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Or, 43 Bond St., New York City.

SOCIAL PURITY.

A vigorous and stirring address on SOCIAL PURITY by J. H. KELLOGG, M. D., SUPERINTENDENT OF THE LARGEST MEDICAL AND SURGICAL SANITARIUM IN THE WORLD. Fifth edition. Fiftieth thousand. Also contains a "Talk to Girls," by Mrs. E. E. KELLOGG, A. M., Associate Superintendent of Social Purity Department of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union. This talk is full of helpful suggestions to mothers and their daughters respecting the means of promoting the development of a higher type of womanhood in the rising generation of girls. A copy should be placed in the hands of every man, woman and youth. 64 large octavo pages. Price, 15 cents; 20 copies, post-paid, $2.25. Address: PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO., Oakland, Cal.

Smith’s Diagram of Parliamentary Rules

A lucid and interesting treatise on Parliamentary usages. By a simple map, with converging lines, it shows the relation of any one motion to every other motion, and at a glance answers over five hundred questions in regard to parliamentary matters. A very ingenious and useful arrangement.
The N. Y. Independent says: “ ‘Smith’s Diagram of Parliamentary Rules’ is an admirably ingenious simplification of the confused matter of parliamentary practice. Mr. U. Smith has put more of the essence of parliamentary practice into small space and lucid order than we find in any other manual.”
Breast-pocket size, 34 pages, bound in muslin. Price, 50 cents. Send for a copy.
Pacific Press Publishing Company, OAKLAND, CAL.

SOUTH LANCASTER ACADEMY.

SOUTH LANCASTER, MASS.

AN EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION OF INCREASING POPULARITY.

This school is located at South Lancaster, Worcester County, Mass., thirty-five miles from Boston, and was founded in 1882.
It is prosperous because operated on correct educational principles. Thorough instruction is given in all the common branches, and those of the usual high school and academic courses. There are also well sustained Biblical and Normal Departments.

ITS SPECIAL FEATURES ARE

1. A judicious discipline for the development of moral character. It is a safe place for the young.
2. Methods of teaching that aim at mental discipline of a high type.
3. Instruction and practice in various kinds of manual labor and the use of tools.
4. Astonishingly low expenses. Sixteen dollars per school month pays all expenses of tuition, board, lodging, washing, lights, fuel, etc.
For catalogue or further information address,
PROF. GEO. W. CAVINESS, Principal. South Lancaster, Mass.

SHORTHAND

WITHOUT A TEACHER

Stenography taught complete in 60 lessons by the use of the
NEW CARD METHOD.
This is not a new system of Shorthand, but a new method of teaching a standard and reliable system, such as is used in nearly all of the courts, legislatures and public assemblies throughout the United States.
No books whatever required. Each lesson is printed on a heavy card, and the series embraces every principle known to the art. Price, post-paid, $1.50. Address,
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.,
Oakland, Cal.
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