LAST week we studied the principle of government of the people, self-government, as illustrated in the government of Rome. In that study we found that government of the people was good, practical, and effectual, the best of all governments of ancient times, in all respects—so long as the people really governed themselves. Of all forms of government, that of government of the people depends most upon the integrity of the individual, upon the individual's loyalty to the principle of governing himself. And just as soon as the individuals fail in governing themselves, government of the people is lost, and must be succeeded by some other form.
This subject, as illustrated in the history of Rome, is worthy of further study, especially in the United States, because the United States was founded upon the principle of self-government, "government of the people, by the people, and for the people." And the study of government of the people, amongst the very people who "possessed the faculty of self-government beyond all people of whom we have historical knowledge, except only the Anglo-Saxons, must, in the nature of things, supply most valuable lessons for the people of this nation, whose government was founded as a government of the people.
Government of the people must, in the nature of things, be the best of all governments, when the people really govern themselves. Also, in the nature of things, government of the people must be the worst of all governments, when the people fail to govern themselves. For, when the government is of the people, and the people fail to govern, then there is practically no government; and the only alternative that then remains is: Either no government, indeed, which is anarchy; or else a government of such a character that will effectually govern a populace that will not govern themselves, which must be a despotism. It may be a despotism of the majority, it may be a despotism of the minority, it may be a despotism of a few, or even two or three, or it may be a despotism of only one; but whether of the majority, of the minority, of only two or three, or of only one, it must be, and it will inevitably be, a despotism. And through all these gradations the Roman Government of the people went in its degeneracy.
The first of all elements in self-government is self-denial. The exclusion of self-indulgence is temperance in all things. This we find as a characteristic in the earliest government of the people of Rome. The next vital element in self-government is self-support. Self-support, equally with self-denial, is inseparable from self-government. This also was a characteristic of the earliest Roman Government of the people. Individual industry and frugality, therefore, are the essential elements in any system of practical self-government. And, as we have seen, the Roman people held in faithfulness both these essential elements of self-government. Their self-government was the greatest success, in every respect, of all human governments before the rise of that only other government of the people, the republic of the United States.
In such a government of the people, a government where each governs himself, the formal government easily becomes of that sort which is acknowledged to be the best, and which has been most aptly described in the sentence, "The best government is the one which does the least governing." In such a case, the formal government exists, and is exercised solely for protection of the individual in his rights of life and property, while the individual governs and supports himself and the government. For, upon the principle that government is of the people, the formal government is a creation of the people. It is but a device, a piece of political machinery, framed and set up by the people, by which they would make themselves secure in the enjoyment of the inalienable rights which they all possessed as men capable of governing themselves, and exercising that capability in the actual government of themselves. So, with the system complete, it stands: Individual government, and collective protection. And since individual government, self-government, involves self-support, the complete system stands: Self-help and governmental protection.
Assuming to Govern Other People.
Such was the system of the Roman Government of the people at the first, and by virtue of which it was the freest government, therefore the best government, and by which it grew to be the greatest government, then in the world. But when that nation assumed the prerogative of governing other people than themselves, and, to do this, repudiated for itself its own original and vital principle; and when into the national treasury there came from conquered provinces and plundered peoples immense wealth in great, rolling streams of gold; and when the more fortunate individuals multiplied their wealth in boundless measure, and the positions, powers, and favors of the government were absorbed by these, as well as boundless luxury indulged by them,—when all this passed steadily before the eyes of all, the inevitable result was that the great mass of the less fortunate, the ones solely dependent upon their daily labor, and the poor—these followed the example of the rich and luxurious ones, and abandoned self-government, and with self-government abandoned self-help, and demanded governmental help. But when the government was a government of the people, the demand by the people for governmental support was merely the advocacy of Socialism.
There was, however, at the first a condition, under cover of which governmental support could be pleaded without itself appearing to be socialistic. That condition was that the vast wealth of the public treasury was not gathered from the people by taxation; but came as tribute and by plunder from conquered nations. The plea and the campaign for governmental support was successful: not at first in having money or even provisions given direct to the people, but in the expenditure of the public money for the distribution of land to the people. Vast sums were thus spent. Thus great numbers of people were, free of expense to themselves, placed upon well-improved lands. But this failed; because, when they were upon the land, they must support themselves by their own efforts, and they had all so far followed the example of the rich and luxurious, that their own work on the lands that were given them would not supply the means which they required to keep up the rate of living which they must maintain. And, living beyond their means, they incurred debt, then had to borrow from the rich to pay their debt; and, in borrowing what they must have, they mortgaged their claim upon the land. Accordingly, it was but a comparatively short time before their lands were all gone, and they were again clamoring for governmental support. Then, in answer to these clamors, the same thing was done by the government again, and with the same result again. Then, again, the clamors arose; again the government did the same thing, with again the same result.5
The Failure of Socialism.
When this had been followed in the same round several times, it became apparent to the public authority that such a course was practically useless. Also the beneficiaries were heartily tired of it, because it did not relieve them from the necessity of work with their hands in self-support. Therefore, the scheme was discontinued. But those who insisted upon governmental support did not cease their demands for governmental support. They next required that the government should establish public granaries from which the people should be supplied with grain at a merely nominal sum. It was argued that this would be in nowise different in principle from that which had already been done in the supplying of land. It could hardly be more expensive, and being much more direct, would be much less complicated. There were always plenty of demagogues to urge these claims of the populace, and so to lift themselves to popular favor and governmental place.
With the enthusiastic clapping of every pair of poor hands in Rome, a law was secured which decreed that public granaries should be established in Rome, to be filled and maintained at the cost of the State, and that from these the wheat should be sold to the poor citizens at a merely nominal price. This was practically governmental support of the populace, because the immediate "effect was to gather into the city a mob of needy, unemployed voters, living on the charity of the State, to crowd the circus, and to clamor at the elections, available, no doubt, immediately to strengthen the hands of the popular tribune, but certain, in the long run, to sell themselves to those who could bid highest for their voices." And each voter could sell his vote for a sum sufficient to keep him constantly well supplied with provisions from the public granaries. Then, as the populace existed in practical idleness, the next thing was that the State must supply games and spectacles to fill the time of the idle crowd sufficiently to prevent mischievous designs that would threaten the government.
As before remarked, the open practise of Socialism could be avoided, so long as the public treasury was supplied with money from conquered nations; but when all the nations had been conquered, and the supply was not sufficient, then it was found that the scheme was absolutely socialistic in practise, as in the beginning it was in principle. For when the supply of money in the public treasury from conquered provinces proved insufficient, by public devices and decrees the needed sums were simply taken by confiscation from those who had money.
Conflicts between Capital and Labor.
But, while events were reaching this final point, other accompanying and strictly logical mischiefs had gained a permanent hold upon the government, and, with this, had carried it utterly away from government of the people. In the progress of this socialistic principle, there was a constant struggle between the rich and the poor, between capital and labor, between governmental order and anarchy. When the rich, or capital, held the power, the poor and laboring classes were oppressed. When the populace held the power, the rich were oppressed.
In this see-saw for the possession of power capital had the advantage, because the senate was always on the side of capital, and the senate was always in existence, and, therefore, in possession of power. Besides, owing to the fact that the elections were annual, the ascendancy of the people was but spasmodic at the best. When some leader, who could carry the multitude with him, arose, the people would arise, and carry everything before them. But when the particular occasion was passed, or the leader fallen, the people would drop back into the old, easy way. The elections were never without riot, but the senate would gradually regain all its former power, which it would use still more oppressively in revenge for the checks which had been put upon it, and the insults which it had received when the populace was in power.
Despotism.
Thus, when the populace was in power, it was a despotism of the majority; and when the senatorial party was in power, it was a despotism of the minority. Yet, it must in justice be observed that the despotism of the senatorial party, the party of property, was not so great as was the despotism of the majority. And in justice it must also be admitted that the violence and excesses in defiance of law and order, of the populace, whether in power or out, compelled despotism on the part of the government. For instance: The senate absolutely abolished the trades-union; but to this the senate was driven by the fact that, tho these unions had been originally formed only for mutual benefit, yet in the times which we are now considering they had become nothing but political clubs, and had become so dangerous to property and even to life, that, for the security of both property and life, it was essential that they should be absolutely abolished. And this but illustrates the truth that, tho the government was a despotism, whether the majority (the populace) or the minority (the senatorial party) was in power; yet, the despotism of the minority was, in a degree, less heavy than was that of the majority; for the majority, possessing nothing, had no kind of respect, or any consideration, whatever, for the rights of property. All that they cared for was to get what they could. With the populace the chief consideration was how to get more, and whatever means they could employ for this purpose was to them perfectly proper. On the other hand, the senatorial party was preeminently the party of property. Therefore, even their own instincts of self-preservation required of them that they should have respect to the rights of property. And this principle also acted as a check on the temper and despotism of that party. Yet, with this exception, the minority could no more be trusted than could the majority.
Extra-constitutional Power.
Finally the contention between these two parties became so continuous and so violent that, for the very existence of society, there had to be created a power which would be a check on both; and, under the circumstances, this power must be extra-constitutional, and, upon the principle of government of the people, even extra-governmental. Under the circumstances of the alternate despotism of the majority and of the minority, it was essential that there should be organized a power which should be constantly active, and so balance the power of the senate, and hold in check its despotic tendencies, and also be able to hold in check the despotic sway of the majority. Already it had appeared more than once that this power lay in the veterans of the triumphant, but disbanded, armies; but it was impossible, at the first, to rule openly by the power of the army. And since this feature must be shaded, the logic of the situation was that a coalition should in some way be formed, representing the contending parties, with the understanding that it could depend upon the army for support. And the logic of the situation was met by the formation, B. C. 60, of
A Triumvirate,
representing both capital and labor, and including the army.
Cæsar was the idol of the populace, and had the confidence of the trades-union, which, after having been abolished by the senate, were fully restored when, in the turn of the political wheel, the populace held governmental power. Crassus was the richest individual in the Roman world, and he represented the combinations of capital, the farmers of the taxes, and the moneyed class, generally, who were not of the nobility. Pompey, one of the mightiest leaders of her armies that Rome had yet known, was the idol of the soldiers, who, tho not at the moment organized in legions with arms in their hands, were, nevertheless, a mighty political power; and, if necessity should demand, could be made, in a day, a mighty military power.
These three men, representing labor, capital, and the soldiery, covenanted together "that no proceedings should be allowed to take place in the commonwealth without the consent of each of the three contracting parties. United, they constituted a power beyond all the resources of the commonwealth to cope with." Thus the first triumvirate became an accomplished fact. And, tho there were a few expiring struggles, the power of the Roman senate, and also of the Roman people, was at that moment virtually gone forever. Government of the people had been utterly wasted, and government was now merged in three individuals, with one controlling mind among the three, and that mind the mind of Julius Cæsar.
But the government did not long remain in this form. Crassus, in an expedition against the Parthians, was slain, and, instead of the triumvirate being preserved by the selection of another in the place of Crassus, the two that remained, separated, and the only question and the contest was as to which of these two should alone be the government. The senate stood with Pompey, the populace supported Cæsar, the army was divided, the more powerful part supporting Cæsar. Civil war followed, in which Cæsar was everywhere successful, Pompey was defeated and slain, and Cæsar stood alone as head of the Roman world, himself alone the government. Not only was
Government of the People Gone,
not only was government of the classes gone, not only was government of a few gone—all government was gone but government by one.
The senate, seeing what had come, formed a conspiracy "to save the republic" in the destruction of the government by the assassination of him who, by the direct logic of affairs, was alone the government. For affairs had reached that point in the Roman State where a one-man power was inevitable. And, tho to avoid this the senate had killed the one man who was that power, and the one man who, of all the Roman nation, was most capable of exercising that power, the reality and permanency of a one-man power, and that by one worse than he, was only the more hastened by the very means which they had employed for the purpose of preventing it. This they themselves realized, as soon as they awoke from the dream in which they had done the desperate deed. Cicero exactly defined the situation, and gave a perfect outline of the whole history of the times, when, shortly after the time of the murder of Cæsar, he bitterly exclaimed: "We have killed the king; but the kingdom is with us still. We have taken away the tyrant; the tyranny survives." That tyranny survived in the breast of every man in Rome; and the only question was, which one should be the tyrant to such a degree that he could dominate the tyranny of all the others.
This was very soon decided; for, immediately upon the murder of Cæsar, a second triumvirate was formed—Mark Antony; Cæsar's grand-nephew, Octavius; and Lepidus, Cæsar's general of cavalry, who was at the head of his troops. This was, however, a mere shuffle on the part of the two principals, Antony and Octavius, to gain time and get their bearings. And as soon as this was done, Lepidus was eliminated, and the sole question and contest was repeated as to which of these two men should be the one man, who should be the Roman Government. Again there was war; Octavius was successful; Antony, with Cleopatra, committed suicide; and now, just thirteen and one-half years after the murder of Cæsar, again, and this time in permanency, one man was the Roman Government, and that one man a man who could not govern himself; and that government a furious and crushing despotism, only a single degree removed from sheer anarchy. And such it remained, with only slight amelioration, until it sank in annihilating ruin.
History of Government BY ALONZO TREVIER JONES AUTHOR OF "TWO REPUBLICS," "EMPIRES OF THE BIBLE," "GREAT EMPIRES OF PROPHECY," ECCLESIASTICAL EMPIRE," ETC.
PROPHECY PROVES INSPIRATION.
By Arthur Tappan Pierson
As WE examine the Old Testament, we find six hundred predictions, more than three hundred of which center upon the person, character, and career of Jesus Christ as the Messiah. These prophecies cover the line of His descent, the time of His birth and manifestations, the place of His nativity, and all the great leading circumstances of His life, death, resurrection, and ascension, with many subordinate details. These prophecies were in their complete form at least four centuries before His birth, inasmuch as both the Hebrew Scriptures and the Septuagint, or Greek translation, were in the hands of the Jews, one about two, and the other five centuries, at least, before Christ was born. The circumstances which these prophecies describe are not only unprecedented in character, but there was no possibility, humanly speaking, of these predictions being fulfilled. In fact, they were largely couched in paradoxes or seeming contradictions. God has designed to present a mystery wholly inexplicable until history proves itself the key fitted to the lock.—A. T. Pierson.
A SIGNIFICANT PROMISE.
It is a significant fact that one of the most blessed promises recorded in the Bible is found in the last chapter of the last book of the Bible, and that that promise is made to a remnant people who are loyal to the law of God. It reads as follows:—
"Blessed are they that do His commandments, that they may have right to the tree of life, and may enter in through the gates into the city." Rev. 22:14. The verse following that shows just who will be found on the outside of the eternal city of God, when the case of each one has been unalterably fixed. They are those who have been breaking those same commandments, and have thus proved themselves disloyal to God.
It is the earnest desire of every Christian to have a right to the tree of life, and pass through the gates into the city of God. A loyal attitude toward the law of God is one of the requisites of every soul who enters that city, and is given the privilege of partaking of the fruit of the tree of life. Again, in calling attention to the company of the redeemed, the Revelator says: "Here is the patience of the saints: they that keep the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus." Rev. 14:12. Thus we see the importance that is given to the matter of loyalty to the law of God by Him who inspired the writing of this last admonition and warning to the last generations of men.
Another translation of Rev. 22:14 reads: "Blessed are they that wash their robes, that they may have the right to come to the tree of life," etc. But the two expressions are in harmony, since the washing of the robes signifies their repudiation of the things condemned in the following verse. Those things condemned in verse 15 are violations of God's law. Those who "wash their robes" are not committing those violations; hence they "do His commandments;" and upon them is pronounced the last7blessing recorded in the Bible; and to them the Lord Himself directs the eyes of the whole world, in the words: "Here are they that keep the commandments of God." Should not the Christian consider it worth his while to be found in the company of whom this is said?
Disloyalty to God has always been disastrous from the time Satan rebelled in heaven against the authority of God. It is the cause of this earth's condition of sin, oppression, sickness, sorrow, and misery of every kind. We add to that condition whenever we range ourselves on the side of those who oppose the law of God. In doing that, we contribute our quota toward the sad conditions that to-day exist in this world. There will come a time (after sin and sinners are removed) when the authority of God, as expressed in His law, will be recognized in every part of God's universe. By opposing His law now, we range ourselves upon the side of those who are opposing that glorious consummation; we are putting ourselves in the company of those who are left outside the walls when the saints of God have had their home-coming. It must be the case; for those who refuse obedience here can not have that blessing pronounced upon them there. Those who enter heaven will be those who love the God of heaven. Listen to the testimony of John: "This is the love of God, that we keep His commandments; and His commandments are not grievous." 1 John 5:3. The keeping of the commandments is also declared to be an evidence of our love of the children of God. See verse 2. Again: "Hereby we know that we know Him, if we keep His commandments. He that saith, I know Him, and keepeth not His commandments, is a liar, and the truth is not in him." 1 John 2:3, 4. And these last are particularly pointed out as being among those left outside the city of God.
With this array of positive utterances of the Scripture, we have no excuse for declaring the law of God abolished or its observance a matter of no concern. Add to this the Saviour's own oral testimony upon this point, as recorded in Matt. 5:19, and what ground is left for the professed Christian in opposing the law of God? It is significant that the last recorded blessing of the Bible is upon commandment keepers in the generation that is teaching the abolition of the law of God.
LIFE AND LAW.
We repeat again the same scripture we used last week:—
"If any man hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His. And if Christ is in you, the body is dead because of sin; but the Spirit is life because of righteousness. But if the Spirit of Him that raised up Jesus from the dead dwelleth in you, He that raised up Christ Jesus from the dead shall give life also to your mortal bodies through His Spirit that dwelleth in you.
"So then, brethren, we are debtors, not to the flesh to live after the flesh: for if ye live after the flesh, ye must die; but if by the Spirit ye put to death the deeds of the body, ye shall live." Rom. 8: 9-13.
We learned in our previous study that the source of all life was one—namely, God the Creator; that God had given this life to the world through His Son; that the God of life is the God of law; that His own perfect plan comprehended only perfect life in harmony with perfect law; that each thing created had a law peculiar to itself, differentiating it from all other creatures; that it maintained existence only as it continued in harmony with the law of its being; and that continuance of God's highest creatures in life depended on their relation to His highest law, the Decalogue, the reflect of His own character.
Nearly all these findings are axiomatic truths. Admitting the truth of the Scriptures, we need but to hear their simple statement to admit their verity.
Each of God's creatures receives life from Him according to the law of its being. If the law is perverted in its being, the life must be perverted also. If the law is perfect, the inflow of the life will be perfect also.
Man in his normal condition has a tripartite nature. He is composed of body, soul, and spirit. The body includes the fleshly, material part of man, manifest to our physical feelings. The life of the body is the soul. And every creature that breathes has soulical life. Without this life, the body is dead, and would soon decay. By that soulical life the physical man in and through his physical organs performs all the various functions of the fleshly man.
All the senses are operative. The man talks, sees, hears, tastes, smells, feels. The brain thinks. The mind aspires, plans, loves, hates.
The spirit of man is that higher life which connects him with God; which leads him to worship, toil, sacrifice, for others' good, which, by the power of the endless life, harmonizes him with the Master of the universe. The normal, spiritual life holds in subjection the soulical life, the physical man. It is God ruling, working, "to will and to do of His own pleasure" in harmony with the voluntary choice of man.
In the beginning, direct from God, man received the spirit life. That life controlled the whole man. His physical life was perpetuated by the food he ate, the air he breathed, the water he drank. But the spiritual life controlled all according to the will of the Creator. The spiritual life was fed by the word of God, ministered unto by heavenly angels, and received direct from the great Fountain continual supplies.
Perhaps it can be made plainer by some homely though imperfect illustration. Imagine a little tree planted in a circle of perfectly-adapted living soil. Around this soil is another circle of soil, perfectly adapted to its purpose, but inferior in quality to the central soil. Into this outer circle the roots of the tree penetrate. Apart from these is a great fountain pulsing out its streams of life in every direction. On the side toward the fountain the outer circle is open, so that the perfect life current flows direct from the fountain to the plant and to the inner circle of the soil. Through this medium the outer circle also receives vitality and added richness from the currents of life. The inferior soil in the outer circle constantly drinks in from the water flowing about it, and conveys life to the roots of the tree, which transmutes them into limb and leaf and flower and fruit.
Such was the primal man. His physical nature received life from the great fountain, through the channels of food and air and water. The spiritual nature received eternal life direct from God through the channel of His law, His word. The higher life controlled and enriched the lower. If man had continued obedient to the law of God, he would have lived forever.
But man sinned. He turned from God to the tempter. He rejected God's word and the higher life for the lower life. By that very act, he closed the channel of the spiritual life from God. He yielded, through a demand upon his appetite, the physical man to Satan, and sin became incarnate, infleshed. The normal law of man's physical life became perverted. Man's will and desires were placed athwart the current of God's life, and all its channels were perverted, and man became a dying soul. All the perverted flesh tended to corruption and decay. Yet, man having shut off the inflow of spiritual life, by the rejection of the word of God, the only channel of life that was left in his condition was the physical man, the flesh. Through that channel God poured His life; the flesh received it and constantly poisoned it by the sin within. Yet notwithstanding this, existence was prolonged even by the life perverted through the flesh.
There is where fallen man stands to-day; where he always has stood. He possesses no life save that which he receives from the flesh, that which is nourished through the flesh, that which is perverted by the flesh. He may prolong it and improve it in proportion as he brings his mode of life into harmony with the physical law of his being; but he knows no higher life, and is separated by the flesh from the life of God; and sooner or later his life becomes extinct. His spiritual nature is dead. His condition is thus expressed by the apostle: "Dead through your trespasses and sins;" "separate from Christ," "without God in the world," "alienated from the life of God." Eph. 2:1, 1:1, 4:18. They are carnal, without the Spirit. Rom. 8: 5-9.
The only power which can break this bondage and bring life to the soul is Jesus Christ. This He does to the soul who is willing, submissive, believing. When the mind of the flesh, which is contrary to God's law (Rom. 8:7), is yielded, Jesus Christ brings in the mind of the Spirit, the flesh is broken through, and the soul has access once more to the life of God flowing through the channel of His received word.
The reception of this life is set forth in many scriptures; we quote, however, but two:—
"And the witness is this, that God gave unto us eternal life, and this life is in His Son. He that hath the Son hath the life; he that hath not the Son of God hath not the life. These things have I written unto you [believers], that ye may know that ye have eternal life, even unto you that believe on the name of the Son of God." 1 John 5:11-13.
"I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I [the carnal Paul] that live, but Christ liveth in me [by His Spirit]; and that life which I now live in the flesh I live in faith, the faith which is in the Son of God, who loved me, and gave Himself up for me." Gal. 2: 20.
He who does not have that indwelling Spirit by faith "is none of His." But he who has that Spirit, the soul in whom Christ dwells, albeit the flesh is still the flesh of sin, therefore counted dead, finds the spiritual inflow life. And he finds it life, not because it flowed from the Fountain as perfect life, but because it is received through the only channel in which it can reach the heart—"righteousness." "The spirit is life because of righteousness." Rom. 8: 10. "In the way of righteousness is life." Prov. 12: 28.
More than this. When man lives in the flesh, unbelief closes the avenues to the life of God. The only life he knows is the life that filters through a corrupted flesh, perverted by the perverted channels of a perverted law. The law that was ordained unto life, perverted in the flesh, is found to be unto death. Rom. 7: 10. The law of righteousness in God has become in the flesh "the law of sin and death." The spiritual man was dead, reason and will a slave.
But when all was yielded to Christ, He came. The carnal mind was slain. The Spirit of Christ came in a ruling power, by the choice of the soul, over the flesh and fleshly desires. The mortal body is quickened by a new life power. The functions of the flesh, formerly servants to sin, become servants of righteousness. Rom. 6: 17-22. The Spirit puts to death in their inception, "the deeds of the body," and the man lives. Rom. 8: 10-13. This life, maintained by faith, issues in glorious immortality at the second coming of Christ.
Reader, have you this life? or are you living according to the flesh? Is it life? or is it death?
THE GLAD TIDINGS.
THE Gospel of Jesus Christ does not come to sinful men to tell them that they need no salvation. It does not come to them to tell them that they have eternal life already, and all that they need to do is to recognize the fact. It is a perverted Gospel which teaches such things.
Man is lost, sold under sin,—a slave in sin's dominion, doomed to certain death. The Gospel of God does not hide this fact. Nay, more, it distinctly and emphatically affirms it. It tells man that he is hopelessly sick with sin; that he has no power within himself to cure his disease, or break sin's power. It holds the mirror of God's law before the sinner that he may see his utterly wretched and hopelessly lost condition.
But it does not leave the man there. The mighty Physician, who has so truly diagnosed the case, is the potent healer. He who has revealed the sin can cleanse it by a word. He who has told us that only death awaits our sinful condition, offers us life. He who has disclosed what we are so slow to learn, that we have no power, offers us the creative power of God, "the power of an endless life."
O soul in the prison of sin, this salvation in Christ Jesus is for you! Cleansing from sin, healing of soul, liberty in Him, power over sin, everlasting life, are all brought to you in the everlasting Gospel; why not believe the Glad Tidings?
